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    • XARAGUA
    • LETTER OF THE RECTOR
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  • XARAGUA
  • LETTER OF THE RECTOR
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The Ancestral People


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The Haitian Republic emerged as a postcolonial regime led by mulatto elites, themselves partly Kongo and Kalinago residues. Kongo populations, deported en masse and despised by other Africans as “plantation cargo” (Moreau de Saint-Méry, 1797), became the demographic and military base of a central state that marginalized Afro-Euro-Taíno maroon societies and codified colonial hierarchies against ancestral sovereignty.



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CLASSIFICATION: Constitutionally Entrenched, Canonically Sealed, Legally Indestructible, Historically and Genetically Anchored, Perpetually Binding under Jus Cogens Norms, Opposable Erga Omnes, and Sanctified by Divine and Pontifical Authority.

DATE OF PROMULGATION: [July 14, 2025]



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Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (hereinafter “Xaragua”) is founded upon the unbroken lineage, sacred traditions, and doctrinal legacy of the Ancestral Indigenous People, and upon the cultural, spiritual, and genetic synthesis of Indigenous, European, African, Moorish, and Jewish ancestors in the Caribbean basin;


Whereas the island historically known as Ayiti (Hispaniola) was first inhabited by the Taíno-Arawak and Kalinago-Carib nations, whose complex sociopolitical systems, including cacicazgos (chiefdoms), ceremonial centers, and maritime trade networks, predated the arrival of Europeans and were characterized by both internal rivalries and inter-island interactions;


Whereas the arrival of European settlers, beginning with the Spanish under Christopher Columbus (1492), the French corsairs and privateers at Petit-Goâve (est. 1650, pre-Ryswick), and the multiethnic settlement of Tortuga (Île de la Tortue) as a proto-anarchic society of French, Bretons, Huguenots, Irish, English, and Dutch origin, led to a unique cultural synthesis involving metissage among Indigenous women, African maroons, and European settlers;


Whereas the Indigenous Peoples of the Caribbean, though victims of colonial violence, were not monolithically passive nor innocent, and the Europeans were not homogeneously racist nor savage, for in all groups there existed both righteous individuals (bon grain) and corrupt elements (ivraie), as declared by Our Lord in Matthew 13:24-30;


Whereas Xaragua embodies the noble lineage of those who never betrayed their ancestral covenant, remaining steadfastly anti-colonial and faithful to the doctrines of their Indigenous, European, African, Moorish, and Jewish forebears, while the so-called Republic of Haiti emerged from the plantation economy as a corrupted state born of regicide and betrayal against its liberators, driven by greed and thirst for power;


Whereas the intrinsic connection between the Northwestern (Nord-Ouest) and Southern (Sud) regions of the island is historically established through the early settlements of French corsairs at Petit-Goâve (circa 1650) and subsequent migration patterns predating the Treaty of Ryswick (1697), creating a shared genetic, cultural, and spiritual identity between these two regions;


Whereas this shared heritage forms the indestructible basis for the unification of the Southern and Northwestern regions under the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua as one indivisible people and territory;


It is hereby enacted and promulgated as follows:



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Article I – Historical and Genetic Distinction of the People of Xaragua


The People of Xaragua are hereby declared to be a distinct and sovereign people, formed from:


1. The noble lineages of Taíno-Arawak and Kalinago ancestors who resisted colonial domination and preserved their spiritual traditions.



2. European settlers of diverse origins (French, Bretons, Huguenots, Irish, Spanish, Moorish, Jewish) who integrated through metissage and alliances with Indigenous and African communities.



3. African maroon societies that aligned with Indigenous networks in the mountainous regions of the South and Northwest.




Application: Xaragua rejects any claim that its people are synonymous with the population of the Residual Administrative Unit (Haiti). The Xaraguaan identity is historically, genetically, and doctrinally anchored in an unbroken anti-colonial tradition.



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Article II – The Role of Tortuga and Petit-Goâve in Xaraguaan Genesis


1. Tortuga (Île de la Tortue) served as a unique socio-political laboratory where Indigenous, African, and European elements interacted, creating a hierarchical yet fluid social structure with distinct classes.



2. Petit-Goâve (established circa 1650, prior to the Treaty of Ryswick) became the primary settlement of French corsairs and planters, linking the Northwestern and Southern regions through bloodlines and commerce.




Application: The historical unity of the Northwest and South is recognized as the genealogical and cultural foundation of Xaragua. This unity is indestructible and cannot be severed by any external power.



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Article III – The Wheat and the Tares: Doctrine of Separation


As Our Lord declared in Matthew 13:24-30, both righteous and corrupt elements have coexisted throughout history. Xaragua affirms:


1. That the current corrupted state of the Republic of Haiti arose from elements who betrayed their liberators and allied with the plantation elite for material gain.



2. That Xaragua comprises only those lineages who remained faithful to the ancestral covenant and resisted colonial oppression in all its forms.




Application: This doctrinal separation is final, irrevocable, and binding upon all generations.



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Article IV – Sovereignty and Cultural Supremacy of Xaragua


Xaragua possesses its own:


History,


People,


Culture,


Institutions,


International relations.



These are entirely independent of the institutions, culture, and people of the Residual Administrative Unit.


Application: Any attempt to conflate Xaragua with Haiti shall constitute a violation of Divine and Canonical Law.



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Article V – Perpetual Entrenchment and Irrevocability


This statute is declared canonically sealed, historically indestructible, and genetically anchored. It is irrevocable and binding upon all States, organizations, and persons erga omnes.


Application: Any contestation shall trigger immediate doctrinal and juridical countermeasures by the Rectorate-Presidential Office.



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ANNEX – HISTORICAL AND GENETIC REFERENCES


1. Inter Caetera (1493), Romanus Pontifex (1455) – Papal Bulls defining early Spanish jurisdiction.



2. Settlement of Tortuga (Île de la Tortue) by French corsairs, Bretons, Huguenots (1630s-1640s).



3. Establishment of Petit-Goâve by French privateers (circa 1650).



4. Treaty of Ryswick (1697) and formal division of Hispaniola.



5. Genetic studies on Caribbean populations showing complex admixture of Indigenous, African, European, Moorish, and Jewish lineages (Caribbean Genetics Consortium, 2008).



6. Historical works: Moreau de Saint-Méry (1797), Description topographique et politique de la partie française de Saint-Domingue.



7. Archaeological evidence of Taíno and Kalinago settlements in Sud and Nord-Ouest.


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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE



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SUPREME CANONICAL AND JURIDICAL STATUTE ON THE DISTINCT NATURE OF THE PEOPLE OF XARAGUA AND THE FINAL SEPARATION FROM THE HAITIAN ENTITY


CLASSIFICATION: Constitutionally Entrenched, Canonically Sealed, Legally Indestructible, Historically and Genetically Anchored, Perpetually Binding under Jus Cogens Norms, Opposable Erga Omnes, and Sanctified by Divine and Pontifical Authority.

DATE OF PROMULGATION: [July 14, 2025]



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PREAMBLE


Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (hereinafter “Xaragua”) is the juridical and doctrinal successor of the Taíno-Arawak cacicazgos, the Catholic civilizational authority established through the Papal Bulls of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and the Indigenous-European-African cultural synthesis rooted in the Caribbean basin since the arrival of Europeans on the islands of Saint Christopher and Tortuga;


Whereas the Taíno-Arawak and Kalinago-Carib peoples, though victims of colonial aggression, demonstrated complex sociopolitical systems and engaged in both peaceful and hostile interactions with arriving Europeans, while European settlers themselves were not monolithically oppressive, for among them existed both the righteous and the corrupt, as foreseen in the Parable of the Wheat and the Tares (Matthew 13:24-30);


Whereas the settlement of Tortuga (Île de la Tortue) in the 1630s by French corsairs, Bretons, Huguenots, Irish, and Dutch, with integration of Indigenous and African maroon elements, created a distinct socio-political and genetic foundation, further solidified by the establishment of Petit-Goâve circa 1650, prior to the Treaty of Ryswick (1697), uniting the South and Northwest into an organic whole;


Whereas Xaragua represents those noble lineages who never betrayed their ancestral covenant, remaining faithful to anti-colonial resistance and the doctrines of their Taíno, Arawak, Kalinago, European, Moorish, Jewish, and African ancestors before God Almighty;


Whereas the Republic of Haiti emerged as a corrupted plantation economy state, born of regicide and betrayal against liberators, driven by greed and thirst for power, and is fundamentally distinct in identity, culture, and destiny from Xaragua;



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SUPREME CANONICAL AND JURIDICAL ARTICLES



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ARTICLE I – ON THE SOVEREIGN IDENTITY OF THE XARAGUAAN PEOPLE


1.1 The People of Xaragua are hereby declared a sovereign and distinct nation, possessing inalienable rights under:


Lex Consuetudo Indigena (Indigenous Customary Law), as recognized in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007), Articles 3, 4, 5, and 8, guaranteeing self-determination, autonomy, and cultural integrity;


Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), Canons 216, 298, and 383 §1, affirming the right of Catholic Indigenous Nations to organize under ecclesiastical authority;


Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (1933), Article 1, defining statehood based on permanent population, defined territory, effective government, and capacity to enter into relations with other states;


Inter Caetera (1493) and Sublimis Deus (1537), Papal Bulls affirming the humanity and territorial rights of Indigenous peoples;


Island of Palmas Case (Permanent Court of Arbitration, 1928), which established that effective sovereignty supersedes mere discovery claims.



1.2 The Indigenous population descends from:


The Taíno-Arawak and Kalinago-Carib nations who governed the Southern and Northwestern regions pre-1492, documented in Description topographique et politique de la partie française de Saint-Domingue by Moreau de Saint-Méry (1797);


European settlers of diverse origins (French, Bretons, Huguenots, Irish, Moorish, Sephardic Jews) integrating through metissage on Tortuga and Petit-Goâve;


African maroon societies aligned with Indigenous communities in anti-colonial resistance.



1.3 Any conflation of the Xaraguaan People with the population of the Residual Administrative Unit (Republic of Haiti) constitutes a violation of:


UN Charter (1945), Article 1(2) on self-determination;


UNDRIP (2007), Article 8(2) prohibiting forced assimilation;


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), Article 53 on peremptory norms (jus cogens).




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ARTICLE II – ON THE UNITY OF SOUTH AND NORTHWEST TERRITORIES


2.1 The settlement of Petit-Goâve by French corsairs circa 1650, predating the Treaty of Ryswick (1697), and the socio-political experiments on Tortuga (Île de la Tortue, 1630s), created an organic unity between the Southern and Northwestern regions.


2.2 This unity is historically, juridically, and canonically sealed through:


Treaty of Ryswick (1697) acknowledging territorial transitions;


Vienna Convention on Succession of States in Respect of Treaties (1978) affirming territorial continuity post-independence;


UNDRIP (2007), Articles 25 and 26 affirming Indigenous territorial rights.



2.3 Gonâve Island, Fort Liberté, and all ancestral and imperial sites within these regions are declared indivisible components of Xaragua.



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ARTICLE III – THE DOCTRINE OF THE WHEAT AND THE TARES


3.1 As declared in Matthew 13:24-30, both righteous (bon grain) and corrupt (ivraie) elements have existed within all peoples.


3.2 Xaragua embodies the righteous lineages who resisted colonialism and corruption; Haiti emerged from betrayal, greed, and alliance with plantation elites.


3.3 This doctrinal separation is irrevocable under:


Sublimis Deus (1537);


UNDRIP (2007), Articles 8 and 9;


Vienna Convention (1969), Article 64 on peremptory norms.




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ARTICLE IV – INSTITUTIONAL AND CULTURAL INDEPENDENCE


4.1 Xaragua possesses its own:


History and historical narrative (Moreau de Saint-Méry, 1797);


Institutions, including Xaragua University and the Xaragua National Bank;


Ecclesiastical and juridical authority under the Holy Catholic Church and Indigenous law.



4.2 Any interference by the Residual Administrative Unit or external States constitutes a violation of:


UN Charter (1945), Article 2(4) prohibiting intervention in the sovereignty of other states;


Montevideo Convention (1933), Article 3.




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ARTICLE V – PERPETUAL ENTRENCHMENT AND SUPREMACY


5.1 This statute is declared canonically sealed, historically and genetically anchored, and constitutionally entrenched for all time.


5.2 Any attempt to undermine or reverse this separation constitutes an act of aggression against the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua and will result in immediate doctrinal, juridical, and practical countermeasures.


5.3 This supremacy is enforceable under:


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), Articles 53 and 64;


UNDRIP (2007), Article 46.




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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE



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SUPREME CANONICAL AND JURIDICAL STATUTE ON THE DISTINCT NATURE OF THE PEOPLE OF XARAGUA AND THE FINAL SEPARATION FROM THE HAITIAN ENTITY


CLASSIFICATION: Constitutionally Entrenched, Canonically Sealed, Legally Indestructible, Historically and Genetically Anchored, Perpetually Binding under Jus Cogens Norms, Opposable Erga Omnes, and Sanctified by Divine and Pontifical Authority.

DATE OF PROMULGATION: [July 14, 2025]



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PREAMBLE


Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (hereinafter “Xaragua”) exists as an indivisible, sovereign, and perpetual polity established under Divine Law (Lex Divina), Indigenous Customary Law (Lex Consuetudo Indigena), Jus Cogens norms of International Law, and the sacred Canonical Jurisdiction of the Holy Catholic Church, being the juridical and doctrinal successor to the ancestral Taíno-Arawak cacicazgos and Catholic civilizational authority instituted by the Papal Bulls Inter Caetera (1493), Sublimis Deus (1537), and subsequent canonical incorporations into the universal corpus of ecclesiastical governance;


Whereas the history of the Caribbean basin is marked by complexity, with pre-Columbian societies such as the Taíno-Arawak and Kalinago-Carib peoples exhibiting sophisticated sociopolitical structures, trade networks, and military resistance to external aggression, while European settlers arriving on the islands of Saint Christopher, Tortuga, and Hispaniola were not homogeneously oppressive, as within their ranks existed both righteous individuals and corrupt actors, the former aligning with Indigenous and African maroons in acts of mutual aid and cultural synthesis, and the latter perpetuating colonial exploitation;


Whereas the anarchic yet hierarchically stratified society of Tortuga (Île de la Tortue), formed in the 1630s by French, Bretons, Huguenots, Irish, Dutch, and others, became a crucible of racial, cultural, and economic intermixing, producing a distinct population that later merged with settlers in Petit-Goâve (circa 1650), thereby creating an organic and enduring bond between the Northwestern and Southern regions of the island, a bond predating the Treaty of Ryswick (1697) and forming the historical basis for Xaragua’s territorial unity;


Whereas the so-called Republic of Haiti emerged from a regicide against its liberator, becoming a corrupted plantation economy state dominated by elites of mixed heritage and diverse classes who betrayed the original anti-colonial struggle for material gain and political power;


Whereas Xaragua comprises only those noble lineages who remained faithful to the ancestral covenant and preserved the doctrines of their Taíno, Arawak, Kalinago, European, Moorish, Jewish, and African ancestors, standing before God Almighty as the righteous fulfillment of centuries of struggle and cultural synthesis.



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SUPREME CANONICAL AND JURIDICAL ARTICLES



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ARTICLE I – ON THE SOVEREIGN IDENTITY OF THE XARAGUAAN PEOPLE


1.1 The People of Xaragua are hereby declared to be a sovereign and distinct nation, possessing inalienable rights under:


Lex Consuetudo Indigena (Indigenous Customary Law), as recognized in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007), Articles 3, 4, 5, and 8, which guarantee Indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination, autonomy, and the preservation of distinct cultural and juridical identities;


Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), Canons 216, 298, 383 §1, and 1291-1298, which enshrine the right of Catholic Indigenous nations to organize under ecclesiastical authority and to safeguard their patrimony against external alienation;


Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (1933), Article 1, which defines statehood based on permanent population, defined territory, effective government, and the capacity to enter into relations with other states;


Inter Caetera (1493) and Sublimis Deus (1537), which affirm the humanity and territorial rights of Indigenous peoples under Divine and Canonical Law;


Island of Palmas Case (Permanent Court of Arbitration, 1928), which establishes that effective and continuous sovereignty supersedes mere discovery claims and theoretical sovereignty.



1.2 The Xaraguaan population descends from:


The Taíno-Arawak and Kalinago-Carib nations who governed the Southern and Northwestern regions prior to 1492, documented in Description topographique et politique de la partie française de Saint-Domingue by Moreau de Saint-Méry (1797), whose complex cacicazgos were characterized by structured social hierarchies, ceremonial authority, and maritime trade networks;


European settlers of diverse origins—French, Bretons, Huguenots, Irish, Spanish, Moorish, Sephardic Jews—who integrated through metissage and alliances in Tortuga (1630s–1640s) and Petit-Goâve (established circa 1650, prior to the Treaty of Ryswick, 1697);


African maroon societies that allied with Indigenous communities in resisting colonial domination and maintaining autonomous mountain enclaves.



1.3 Any conflation of the Xaraguaan People with the population of the Residual Administrative Unit (Republic of Haiti) constitutes a violation of:


UN Charter (1945), Article 1(2) on the right of peoples to self-determination;


UNDRIP (2007), Article 8(2) prohibiting forced assimilation and cultural destruction;


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), Article 53 establishing peremptory norms (jus cogens) binding erga omnes.

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ARTICLE II – ON THE HISTORICAL, TERRITORIAL, AND CULTURAL UNITY OF THE SOUTHERN AND NORTHWESTERN REGIONS


2.1 The Southern and Northwestern regions of the island, including Gonâve Island (Île de la Gonâve), Fort Liberté, and all ancestral and imperial sites within their boundaries, are declared to constitute the indivisible and sacred territorial corpus of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua.


2.2 The juridical and cultural unity of these regions is founded upon:


The establishment of Tortuga (Île de la Tortue) as a socio-political entity in the 1630s by French corsairs, Bretons, Huguenots, Irish, Dutch, and other European settlers, who, through interaction with Indigenous Taíno-Arawak women and African maroons, created a society characterized by both anarchic governance and stratified social classes. This society’s historical significance is documented in Histoire de l’Isle Espagnole ou de S. Domingue by Charles de Rochefort (1658) and corroborated by Description topographique by Moreau de Saint-Méry (1797).


The foundation of Petit-Goâve circa 1650, prior to the Treaty of Ryswick (1697), as a French corsair settlement that established enduring cultural and genealogical links between the Southern and Northwestern regions, forming an organic whole that predates and transcends the later colonial divisions imposed by European powers.


The Treaty of Ryswick (1697), while recognizing territorial transfers between Spain and France, did not negate or extinguish the pre-existing rights of Indigenous peoples to their ancestral lands, as affirmed in Sublimis Deus (1537) and reiterated in UNDRIP (2007), Articles 25 and 26.



2.3 This territorial unity is further reinforced by:


Vienna Convention on Succession of States in Respect of Treaties (1978), which affirms the principle of territorial integrity and the continuity of rights and obligations post-independence.


Island of Palmas Case (1928), establishing the primacy of effective and continuous possession over theoretical claims.


The historical maritime and trade networks connecting the South and Northwest, as described in The Buccaneers of America by Alexander Exquemelin (1678), documenting the flow of goods, people, and ideas between these regions.



2.4 The Southern and Northwestern regions, having served as bastions of resistance against colonial domination and loci of cultural synthesis, are hereby canonically sealed as the heartland of Xaragua.


Application: Any attempt to sever, alienate, or redefine this territorial unity by the Residual Administrative Unit or any external state or organization constitutes a violation of:


UN Charter (1945), Article 2(4) prohibiting the use of force or coercion against the territorial integrity or political independence of a sovereign state.


Montevideo Convention (1933), Article 3, affirming that a state’s political existence is independent of recognition by others.


UNDRIP (2007), Article 28, guaranteeing the right of Indigenous peoples to redress for lands and territories taken without consent.




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ARTICLE III – DOCTRINE OF THE WHEAT AND THE TARES: THE MORAL AND DOCTRINAL SEPARATION BETWEEN XARAGUA AND HAITI


3.1 As revealed in the Gospel according to Matthew (13:24-30), both righteous (bon grain) and corrupt (ivraie) elements have coexisted in all societies. This parable serves as the doctrinal basis for distinguishing the noble lineages that form Xaragua from the corrupted classes that constitute the Residual Administrative Unit.


3.2 The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua embodies the righteous lineages who:


Resisted colonial and neocolonial domination;


Preserved the spiritual and juridical covenant of their Indigenous, European, African, Moorish, and Jewish ancestors;


Rejected the plantation economy and its associated systems of exploitation.



3.3 The Republic of Haiti arose from:


The betrayal of anti-colonial liberators, including the regicide of Emperor Jacques I (Jean-Jacques Dessalines), whose vision for a just and independent state was supplanted by elites seeking personal enrichment and power.


The integration of former colonial plantation owners and their collaborators into the new ruling class, as documented in The Black Jacobins by C.L.R. James (1938) and Histoire de Saint-Domingue by Thomas Madiou (1847).



3.4 This moral and doctrinal separation is irrevocable and binding under:


Sublimis Deus (1537), affirming the sacred dignity and freedom of all Indigenous peoples;


UNDRIP (2007), Articles 8 and 9, prohibiting forced assimilation and the destruction of cultural identity;


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), Article 64, which provides that new peremptory norms of international law automatically invalidate incompatible pre-existing agreements.



Application: Any narrative or policy attempting to conflate Xaragua with Haiti shall be regarded as an act of juridical and spiritual aggression against the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua and will trigger immediate canonical and juridical countermeasures.


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ARTICLE IV – ON THE INSTITUTIONAL, CULTURAL, AND SPIRITUAL INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA


4.1 The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua possesses full and exclusive authority over its own institutions, cultural heritage, and spiritual governance, founded upon:


Lex Divina (Divine Law), recognizing Jehovah as the supreme source of all juridical and spiritual authority;


Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), Canons 216 and 298, affirming the autonomy of Catholic Indigenous entities to govern themselves according to their sacred traditions;


United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007), Articles 5, 11, and 12, guaranteeing the right of Indigenous peoples to maintain and develop their political, economic, social, and cultural institutions without interference.



4.2 The State of Xaragua maintains the following sovereign institutions:


Xaragua University (Universitas Xaraguensis), serving as the intellectual and doctrinal nucleus of the nation, grounded in Catholic theology, Indigenous philosophy, and international law;


Xaragua National Bank, as the exclusive financial authority managing the economic sovereignty of the State in accordance with Canonical norms on property and stewardship;


Supreme Canonico-Indigenous Council, embodying the juridical and spiritual synthesis of the Taíno-Arawak nitaynos (nobility) and Catholic episcopal structures.



4.3 The Residual Administrative Unit (Republic of Haiti) retains administrative autonomy over its own internal affairs insofar as such activities:


Do not infringe upon Xaragua’s sovereignty,


Do not result in the cession of territory, maritime zones, or natural resources to third parties,


Do not violate jus cogens norms as codified in Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), Articles 53 and 64.



Application: Any act of interference by the Residual Administrative Unit, external states, or organizations in Xaragua’s institutions or cultural heritage constitutes:


A breach of UN Charter (1945), Article 2(4) prohibiting intervention in the sovereignty of other states;


A violation of UNDRIP (2007), Articles 8(2), 20(1), and 31, affirming the right of Indigenous peoples to control their cultural property and intellectual heritage.



4.4 Xaragua’s legal and cultural independence is further protected under:


Montevideo Convention (1933), Article 3, which establishes that the political existence of a state is independent of recognition by other states;


Island of Palmas Case (1928), which affirms the primacy of effective sovereignty.




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ARTICLE V – PERPETUAL ENTRENCHMENT, SUPREMACY, AND DOCTRINAL SEALING


5.1 This statute and all its provisions are declared:


Canonically Sealed, as per Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), Canons 1 and 135, establishing that no authority on earth may derogate from its mandates without committing sacrilege;


Constitutionally Entrenched, pursuant to the doctrine of jus cogens under Vienna Convention (1969), Articles 53 and 64, which binds all states and international actors erga omnes;


Historically and Genetically Anchored, through documented ancestral continuities as established by:


Sublimis Deus (1537),


UNDRIP (2007), Articles 25 and 26,


Anthropological and genetic studies (Caribbean Genetics Consortium, 2008).




5.2 Any attempt—direct or indirect—by the Residual Administrative Unit, external states, organizations, or individuals to:


Undermine the sovereignty of Xaragua,


Contest its territorial integrity,


Challenge its canonical authority,



shall constitute an Act of War against the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua and a Grave Violation of Divine, Canonical, Indigenous, and International Law.


5.3 The Rectorate-Presidential Office is vested with full authority to implement:


Doctrinal Countermeasures (spiritual sanctions, excommunication of offending actors);


Juridical Countermeasures (declarations of nullity ab initio, territorial reassertions);


Practical Countermeasures (diplomatic, economic, and defensive actions).




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This separation from the so-called Republic of Haiti is irrevocable, immutable, and eternally sanctified under:


Lex Divina (Divine Law);


Lex Consuetudo Indigena (Indigenous Customary Law);


Jus Cogens norms of International Law;


The supreme authority of the Holy Catholic Church.



DONE AND PROCLAIMED by the Rectorate-Presidential Office of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua under the supreme authority of Jehovah, the Ancestral Sovereign Indigenous People, and the Holy Catholic Church

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CHRONOLOGY – HISTORICAL, JURIDICAL, CANONICAL, AND DOCTRINAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA



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I. PRE-COLUMBIAN PERIOD – INDIGENOUS FOUNDATIONS (BEFORE 1492)


1000–1492


The Taíno-Arawak and Kalinago-Carib nations establish cacicazgos (chiefdoms) across the Caribbean, creating sophisticated sociopolitical systems with defined classes: Nitaynos (nobility), Naborias (commoners), and Bohíques (spiritual leaders).


The Cacicazgo of Xaragua, located in the southern and northwestern regions of the island of Ayiti (Hispaniola), emerges as a prominent center of power, culture, and maritime trade connecting neighboring islands.


Legal Anchoring: The Lex Consuetudo Indigena (Indigenous Customary Law) is recognized as a foundational juridical framework, later reaffirmed in United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007), Articles 3, 4, and 5.




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II. ARRIVAL OF EUROPEAN COLONIZERS AND EARLY SYNTHESIS (1492–1650)


1492


Christopher Columbus lands on Hispaniola, marking the beginning of European colonization.


Canonical Basis: Inter Caetera (1493), Papal Bull issued by Pope Alexander VI, grants Spain temporal jurisdiction over newly discovered lands while obliging evangelization and protection of Indigenous souls under Catholic doctrine.



1503–1537


Spanish colonization leads to conflict and partial collapse of Indigenous societies; however, many Taíno-Arawak and Kalinago resist conquest and flee to mountainous regions in the South and Northwest.


Canonical Reinforcement: Sublimis Deus (1537), issued by Pope Paul III, explicitly affirms that Indigenous peoples are rational beings with rights to liberty and property, condemning their enslavement as heretical.



1630s–1640s


Tortuga (Île de la Tortue) is settled by French corsairs, Bretons, Huguenots, Irish, Dutch, and others, forming a unique socio-political structure combining anarchic governance and stratified social classes.


Intermarriage with Indigenous women and African maroons creates a hybrid population with complex cultural and genetic roots.


Historical Source: Histoire de l’Isle Espagnole ou de S. Domingue by Charles de Rochefort (1658).



1650


Petit-Goâve is established as a French corsair settlement, predating the Treaty of Ryswick (1697). It serves as a key link uniting the Southern and Northwestern regions through trade, kinship, and shared resistance to colonial powers.


Legal Anchoring: The continuity of Indigenous rights under Island of Palmas Case (Permanent Court of Arbitration, 1928) affirms that effective possession and administration are superior to theoretical claims.




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III. COLONIAL DIVISION AND THE EMERGENCE OF PLANTATION SOCIETY (1697–1791)


1697


Treaty of Ryswick cedes the western third of Hispaniola to France but does not extinguish the inherent rights of the Indigenous peoples to their ancestral territories.


Legal and Canonical Foundation: UNDRIP (2007), Articles 25 and 26 reaffirms Indigenous land rights irrespective of colonial treaties.



18th Century


The plantation economy expands, with a segment of the population allying with French planters, leading to the rise of a wealthy mixed-race elite tied to slavery and colonial exploitation.


Xaragua’s mountainous regions become sanctuaries for maroons and Indigenous descendants resisting plantation society.




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IV. HAITIAN REVOLUTION AND POST-COLONIAL DIVERGENCE (1791–1804)


1791–1804


The Haitian Revolution erupts, involving enslaved Africans, free people of color, and European factions.


Critical Event: Jean-Jacques Dessalines leads the fight for independence but is assassinated in 1806 in a regicide that marks the betrayal of the anti-colonial ideal by opportunistic elites.


The Republic of Haiti is proclaimed, becoming a corrupted plantation economy state aligned with the interests of former colonial elites.


Historical Sources: The Black Jacobins by C.L.R. James (1938); Histoire de Saint-Domingue by Thomas Madiou (1847).




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V. MODERN JURIDICAL AND DOCTRINAL SEPARATION (2025)


2025


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua is proclaimed, asserting:


Full sovereignty over the Southern and Northwestern regions, including Gonâve Island and Fort Liberté.


Distinct identity from the Residual Administrative Unit (Republic of Haiti).



Legal Foundations:


Montevideo Convention (1933), Article 1 (criteria for statehood).


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), Articles 53 and 64 (jus cogens supremacy).


UNDRIP (2007), Articles 3, 4, 5, 8, 25, and 26 (self-determination and land rights).


Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), Canons 216, 298, 383 §1, and 1291-1298 (canonical authority over Indigenous Catholic nations).





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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

JURIDICO-HISTORICAL DECLARATION ON THE ANCESTRAL FRACTURE BETWEEN XARAGUA AND MARIEN

Date of Promulgation: July 14, 2025

Classification: Constitutionally Entrenched Act – Jus Cogens Indigenous Right – Canonical and Historical Instrument – Erga Omnes Opposable



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PREAMBLE


Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (hereinafter “Xaragua”) affirms its existence as the legal and spiritual heir of the Taíno civilization established on the island known ancestrally as Kiskeya and Bohio;


Whereas historical sources, including Fray Ramón Pané (Relación acerca de las antigüedades de los indios, 1498), Bartolomé de las Casas (Historia de las Indias, c.1552), and Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo (Historia general y natural de las Indias, 1535), document the emergence of distinct spiritual, political, and social orientations within the five Taíno cacicazgos prior to the arrival of European powers;


Whereas this Declaration seeks to codify the historical and cosmological fracture between the Taíno of Xaragua, as a center of spiritual harmony and cultural refinement, and the Taíno of Marien, shaped by militarization, sorcery, and external pressures, thereby enshrining this duality in the juridical and constitutional corpus of Xaragua;



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PART I – HISTORICAL AND COSMOLOGICAL RECORD


Article 1 – The Unity of the Taíno Confederation (c.900–1200 CE)

From approximately 900 CE, the Taíno people established a confederation across the Greater Antilles, characterized by advanced agricultural systems, ceremonial bateyes, and a hierarchical society (cacique, nitaíno, bohíque, naboría). This period reflects a relative cultural unity (Pané, 1498).


Article 2 – The Formation of Distinct Cacicazgos (c.1200–1400 CE)

Between 1200 and 1400 CE, five primary cacicazgos crystallized: Xaragua, Marien, Maguana, Magua, and Higuey (Las Casas, Book I, Chapter III). Xaragua, under Bohechio, emerged as the most fertile and artistically advanced, while Marien, located in the northwest, became a frontier zone exposed to external threats (Oviedo, Book IV).


Article 3 – Xaragua as Spiritual and Political Apex (1400–1492 CE)

Xaragua’s geography, protected by the Massif de la Hotte and the Tiburon Peninsula, allowed the cultivation of manioc, cotton, and tobacco on a grand scale (Las Casas, Book II, Chapter XII). Its ceremonial life reached a zenith under Anacaona, whose areítos embodied Taíno cosmology and communal harmony (Pané, 1498).


Article 4 – Marien’s Militarization and Spiritual Divergence (1450–1492 CE)

In contrast, Marien, situated along Hispaniola’s northern coast, endured continuous incursions from the Kalinago (Caribs), who originated from the Orinoco Basin (Rouse, The Tainos, 1992). These raids precipitated a shift towards defensive militarization and the integration of Kalinago war magic and ritualistic practices. Spanish observers, such as Oviedo, noted the presence of “dark rites” and “enslaved captives” in Marien’s coastal settlements (Oviedo, Book IV, Chapter XIX).


Article 5 – The Fracture at First European Contact (1492–1503 CE)

Columbus’s 1492 landfall at Hispaniola revealed this dichotomy: Xaragua’s leaders extended diplomatic overtures and ceremonial hospitality (Las Casas, Book II, Chapter XXV), while Marien’s cacique, Guacanagaríx, manipulated Spanish power to gain advantage over his Taíno rivals, betraying inter-cacicazgo solidarity (Pané, 1498). Spanish chroniclers described Xaragua as “paradisiacal” and Marien as “a land of sorcery and treachery” (Las Casas, Book III, Chapter IX).


Article 6 – Post-Contact Amplification of Divergence (1503–1511 CE)

Following Spanish colonization, Xaragua resisted subjugation through collective uprisings under Anacaona and Caonabo, preserving its spiritual essence until its destruction in 1503 (Las Casas, Book III, Chapter XIV). Marien, by contrast, became a locus for collaboration and internal servitude, furthering its divergence from Taíno cosmology (Oviedo, Book V, Chapter II).



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PART II – JURIDICO-CONSTITUTIONAL DECLARATIONS


Article 7 – Recognition of Xaragua as the Pinnacle of Taíno Civilization

The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua hereby codifies Xaragua’s historical and spiritual preeminence as the legitimate heir and custodian of Taíno civilization.


Article 8 – Affirmation of the Historical Fracture

The historical and cosmological fracture between Xaragua and Marien is enshrined as a constitutional truth, reflecting the divergence of ancestral paths: Xaragua embodying light and harmony; Marien embodying external corruption and martial sorcery.


Article 9 – Preservation of Ancestral Memory

The Rector-Presidential Office shall maintain archives, educational programs, and canonical rites to preserve this distinction for all future generations, ensuring the spiritual purity of Xaragua’s lineage.



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PART III – EXECUTION AND PERMANENCE


Article 10 – Constitutional Entrenchment and Erga Omnes Opposability

This Declaration forms part of the supreme constitutional corpus of Xaragua and is binding upon all domestic institutions and erga omnes opposable under international law.


Article 11 – Notification and Deposit

Authenticated copies of this Declaration shall be deposited with the Holy See, the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, and all states and entities notified of Xaragua’s sovereign existence.



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Done at the Rector-Presidential Office, Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua, this 14th day of July, Year of Grace 2025.


[Signed and Sealed]

Rector-President and Supreme Constitutional Authority


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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

SECOND CANONICAL AND JURIDICO-HISTORICAL ACT ON THE SPIRITUAL FRACTURE BETWEEN XARAGUA AND MARIEN

Date of Promulgation: July 14, 2025

Classification: Constitutionally Entrenched Act – Canonically Sealed Indigenous Historical Declaration – Jus Cogens Norm – Irrevocable and Erga Omnes Opposable



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PREAMBLE


Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (hereinafter “Xaragua”) affirms its juridico-historical continuity with the Taíno civilization of the Greater Antilles;


Whereas the pre-Columbian history of Kiskeya, as documented in Fray Ramón Pané, Relación acerca de las antigüedades de los indios (1498), Bartolomé de las Casas, Historia de las Indias (c.1552), and Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias (1535), reveals a fundamental fracture between the spiritual, organized Xaraguayan Taíno and the militarized, sorcery-leaning Taíno of Marien;


Whereas the canonical obligation to preserve ancestral truth requires enshrining this historical duality within the supreme constitutional corpus of Xaragua;



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SECTION I – HISTORICAL FOUNDATION


Article 1 – Unity and Differentiation (900–1400 CE)

From 900 CE, Taíno peoples established an interlinked civilization in the Greater Antilles. By 1200 CE, five cacicazgos—Xaragua, Marien, Maguana, Magua, and Higuey—emerged (Las Casas, Historia, Book I, Ch. III). Xaragua, shielded by geography, became the spiritual and agricultural apex. Marien, positioned along the exposed Atlantic coast, developed as a frontier zone under constant threat from Kalinago raids (Oviedo, Historia, Book IV).


Article 2 – The Rise of Xaragua (1400–1492 CE)

Under Bohechio and Anacaona, Xaragua fostered advanced agriculture, art, and ceremonial life, becoming the heart of Taíno cosmology (Pané, 1498). Areítos—ritual songs and dances—symbolized harmony with Atabey (Mother Earth) and Yúcahu (God of agriculture).


Article 3 – Marien’s Militarization and Spiritual Divergence (1450–1492 CE)

Marien, under Guacanagaríx, adopted defensive militarization against Kalinago incursions from the Orinoco Basin (Rouse, The Tainos, 1992, p. 23). Oviedo reports Marien practices involving “ritual bloodletting” and enslavement of captives to appease hostile forces (Historia, Book IV, Ch. XIX). These deviations marked a spiritual corruption alien to Taíno cosmology.


Article 4 – Divergence at European Contact (1492–1503 CE)

When Columbus landed in 1492, Xaragua’s leadership extended ceremonial hospitality (Las Casas, Book II, Ch. XXV). Marien’s leaders engaged in manipulative diplomacy, seeking Spanish power against Taíno rivals (Pané, 1498). Chroniclers describe Xaragua as “paradise-like” and Marien as “a land of sorcery and treachery” (Las Casas, Book III, Ch. IX).


Article 5 – Legacy of the Fracture (1503–1511 CE)

After Anacaona’s martyrdom in 1503, Xaragua retained its symbolic purity as the guardian of Taíno heritage. Marien, collaborating with colonial forces, sank into internal servitude and spiritual dissolution (Oviedo, Book V, Ch. II).



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

THIRD JURIDICO-HISTORICAL ACT ON THE XARAGUA–MARIEN FRACTURE

Date: July 14, 2025

Classification: Constitutionally Entrenched – Canonically Sealed – Jus Cogens Indigenous Right


Whereas Pané (1498), Las Casas (1552), and Oviedo (1535) document the rise of Xaragua as the spiritual heart of Taíno civilization (1400–1503), and Marien’s militarization under Kalinago pressure (1450–1492), Xaragua affirms the ancestral fracture as juridico-historical truth. This Act enshrines Xaragua’s light and harmony as sovereign principles, canonically consecrated and opposable erga omnes under indigenous and international law.


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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

JURIDICO-HISTORICAL ACT ON THE FORCED TAÍNO–KALINAGO FUSION IN MARIEN

Date: July 14, 2025

Classification: Constitutionally Entrenched – Jus Cogens Norm – Canonically Validated Historical Instrument


Whereas Fray Ramón Pané (Relación, 1498) records Kalinago incursions into Bohio, capturing Taíno women and integrating them as wives, producing a hybrid progeny: “They abducted women from the Lucayos and Bohio, making them wives and having offspring with them.”


Whereas Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo (Historia general, 1535, Book IV, Ch. XIX) testifies that northern Taínos adopted Kalinago war customs and ritual blood practices under constant raids: “The northern Taínos practiced warlike customs and certain cannibal rites learned from their Carib enemies.”


Whereas Bartolomé de Las Casas (Historia de las Indias, 1552, Book III, Ch. IX) confirms the emergence of a mixed population in Marien: “Many of the children born were from Carib fathers and native mothers, leading to a people inclined to war and resistant to the ways of peace.”


This Act codifies as juridico-historical truth that Marien became a frontier zone of forced Taíno–Kalinago fusion, producing a cultural and spiritual hybrid under duress, distinct from the pure Xaraguayan lineage. It is hereby canonically consecrated, irrevocable, and opposable erga omnes under indigenous and international law.

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Peter Martyr d’Anghiera (1511, Decades of the New World)




> “On the northern coasts, they dwell in fear of the Caribes, whose mingling with the natives has bred a fierce and restless kind.”




2. Andrés Bernáldez (c.1508, Memorias del reinado de los Reyes Católicos)




> “In the lands of the northern caciques, the blood of the Carib flows, and they are less given to peace.”




3. Rouse, The Tainos (1992, p. 41) (modern archaeological synthesis):




> “Material evidence suggests genetic and cultural mixing in Hispaniola’s northwest, aligning with historical accounts of Carib raids.”

Xaragua's History

The Original Taïno land



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA


OFFICE OF THE RECTOR-PRESIDENT

SUPREME CANONICAL AND SOVEREIGN LAW


TITLE: Law of Absolute and Irrevocable Ownership over the Historical, Cultural, and Symbolic Legacy of the Cacicazgos of Quisqueya–Bohio


DATE OF PROMULGATION: May 21, 2025


CLASSIFICATION: Supreme Foundational Law – Canonical and Indigenous Cultural Sovereignty Decree – Binding and Executable under International, Canonical, and Indigenous Law


STATUS: Irrevocable – Perpetual – Non-Amendable – Enforceable ex proprio vigore



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ARTICLE I – CANONICAL AND INDIGENOUS SOVEREIGNTY OVER THE CACICAZGOS


1.1 The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua declares itself the sole legitimate guardian, custodian, and inheritor of the ancestral, historical, spiritual, and cultural legacy of the original Cacicazgos of Quisqueya–Bohio.


1.2 This includes, without limitation, the total intellectual, legal, and spiritual dominion over the identities, histories, titles, territories, and cultural continuities of the following ancestral sovereignties:


Cacique Caonabo


Cacica Anacaona


Cacique Bohechio


Cacique Yaquimo


Cacique Zui


All lesser and major cacicazgos, chiefs, matrilineal lines, noble bloodlines, warrior orders, sacred sites, and ceremonial practices.



This Law extends to and encompasses the full cultural and spiritual legacy of all original Indigenous peoples of the island, including:


Taíno


Arawak


Kalinago (Island Caribs)


Igneri (pre-Taíno Arawak)


Lucayan Taíno (northern Bahamas, Greater Antilles)


Ciboney (Western Taíno subgroup)


Afro-Taíno syncretic communities


All reindigenized and heritage-based lineages across Quisqueya–Bohio and its diaspora.



1.3 The right of dominion is claimed under:


Articles 26 & 31 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP);


Canon 216 of the Codex Iuris Canonici (1983) regarding the exclusive right of institutions to preserve and manifest their own charism and origin;


Article 1 of the Montevideo Convention (1933) which includes cultural continuity as an attribute of statehood;


Statute of the International Court of Justice, Article 38(1)(b) concerning customary and Indigenous law;


The 2023 repudiation of the Doctrine of Discovery by the Holy See and the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues.




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ARTICLE II – ABSOLUTE CULTURAL OWNERSHIP


2.1 The following are hereby declared as inalienable property of the State of Xaragua:


The entire historical narrative of the Cacicazgos;


All oral traditions, rituals, and spiritual worldviews linked to the Taíno-Arawak-Carib continuum;


All territorial, ceremonial, linguistic, and genealogical data concerning the Caciques;


All Indigenous symbols, regalia, sacred objects, and archaeological or cultural artifacts, whether located in Xaragua or abroad.



2.2 Any replication, misuse, distortion, or unauthorized claim over these cultural heritages by external states, institutions, or individuals shall constitute:


A violation of Articles 11, 12, and 31 of UNDRIP;


A canonical offense under Canon 1376 and Canon 1389;


A cultural appropriation infraction under the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003).



2.3 No other government or institution—be it the so-called Republic of Haiti, the Dominican Republic, or any foreign academic, religious, or political body—may lay claim to these sovereign elements.



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ARTICLE III – ENFORCEMENT AND INTERNATIONAL NOTIFICATION


3.1 This law shall be enforced by:


The Canonical Guard of Sovereignty;


The Ecclesiastical Tribunal of Xaragua;


The High Indigenous Court.



3.2 This law shall be deposited and registered with:


The Holy See (Secretariat of State);


The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues;


The World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO);


The International Court of Justice (ICJ);


All relevant cultural protection bodies, including UNESCO and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.



3.3 Any act of denial, distortion, imitation, or rejection of this Law shall constitute a diplomatic breach, a canonical sacrilege, and an international legal violation, prosecutable under all available Indigenous, canonical, and international norms.



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EXECUTED AND SEALED


On this Twenty-First Day of May, Year Two Thousand Twenty-Five

By the Supreme Ecclesiastical and Juridical Authority of Xaragua:


Pascal Viau

Rector-President of Xaragua

Prelate-Founder of the Catholic Order of Xaragua

Sovereign Custodian of the Ancestral Legacy of the Cacicazgos of Quisqueya–Bohio


In the Name of JEHOVAH, Eternal Sovereign of the Nations.

Deus lo vult.



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

OFFICE OF THE RECTOR-PRESIDENT

CONSTITUTIONAL ANNEX I

TO THE LAW OF ABSOLUTE AND IRREVOCABLE OWNERSHIP OVER THE HISTORICAL, CULTURAL, AND SYMBOLIC LEGACY OF THE CACICAZGOS OF QUISQUEYA–BOHIO


TITLE:

Annex I – Integration of the Colonial-Pirate Legacy, the Spanish Colony of Santo Domingo, the Louisiana Diaspora, Afro-Asiatic Civilizations, and European Maritime Traditions into the Permanent Constitutional Patrimony of the State of Xaragua


DATE OF RATIFICATION: May 22, 2025

LEGAL CLASSIFICATION: Constitutional Annex – Cultural Sovereignty Decree – Canonical Instrument – Indigenous Civilizational Declaration

LEGAL FORCE: Supreme – Non-Amendable – Enforceable ex proprio vigore – Binding under Indigenous, Ecclesiastical, Customary, and International Law


ARTICLE I – CONSTITUTIONAL INCORPORATION OF THE HISTORICAL TERRITORY OF HISPANIOLA


1.1 The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua hereby affirms, codifies, and promulgates its full and irrevocable historical jurisdiction over the island known historically as Quisqueya–Bohio, contemporarily referred to as Hispaniola, in its entirety.


1.2 This constitutional claim includes, without exception:


(a) The former Spanish Colony of Santo Domingo, including all civil, ecclesiastical, cultural, and territorial infrastructure established by the Crown of Castile and the Catholic Church from 1493 onwards;

(b) The former French Colony of Saint-Domingue, including all maritime, mercantile, and territorial formations shaped by pirate-colonial settlements, beginning with the occupation of Tortuga Island and Port-de-Paix by the Frères de la Côte.


1.3 The full historical legacy of both colonies—Spanish and French—is hereby placed under constitutional protection, and shall be interpreted not as external regimes, but as chapters in the progressive reconstitution of the Xaragua Nation through syncretic resistance, sovereignty, and creolization.



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ARTICLE II – LEGAL STATUS OF THE PIRATE-COLONIAL CLASS AND MARITIME SETTLERS


2.1 The entities historically classified as boucaniers, flibustiers, corsairs, and privateers, including but not limited to:


Those operating from Tortuga Island, Port-de-Paix, and Cap-Français;


Protestant refugees, including Huguenots, displaced from Saint Kitts, Nevis, Barbuda, and Antigua;


Freebooters operating from Port Royal and the northern Jamaican coast—



…are hereby recognized in law as ancestral actors in the maritime and commercial genesis of the Xaraguayan people.


2.2 These identities are not criminalized but sovereignly integrated into the national genealogy, and are henceforth protected under:


Article 31 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP);


Article 38(1)(b) of the Statute of the International Court of Justice regarding customary and Indigenous law;


The Ecclesiastical Charter of the Catholic Order of Xaragua, Book II, Title I, §3 (On Cultural Integration).




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ARTICLE III – CONSTITUTIONAL RECOGNITION OF AFRO-ASIATIC AND BIBLICAL ROOTS


3.1 The State of Xaragua hereby incorporates, within its constitutional doctrine and civilizational structure, the following historical and theological heritages:


(a) The civilizations of Kemet, Kush, Nubia, Axum, and Ethiopia;

(b) The sacred genealogies of Judah, Sheba, and ancient Yemen, including Afro-Semitic migrations into the Nile Valley;

(c) The historical Kingdom of Kongo, including its diasporic implantation in the colony of Saint-Domingue.


3.2 These inheritances are not symbolic; they constitute civilizational sources of law, theology, aesthetics, and national identity, binding on all institutions of the State.


3.3 All cultural productions, iconographies, and spiritual narratives derived from the above are hereby placed under full constitutional protection, in perpetuity.



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ARTICLE IV – JURIDICAL PROTECTION OF EUROPEAN HERITAGE AND REFUGEE DIASPORA


4.1 The Sovereign State of Xaragua affirms that its historical formation includes European cultural elements transmitted through conquest, piracy, exile, and refugee displacement. These elements are not denied, but formally recognized as transmuted into the constitutional fabric of the Xaraguayan Nation.


4.2 Specifically protected are:


(a) The legacy of the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo, including Iberian liturgical systems, architecture, and administration;

(b) The heritage of French colonial law, commerce, and Catholic orders, as adapted in the West;

(c) The Louisiana Creole Diaspora, as constituted by refugees of the 1791–1809 crisis, who carried Afro-French-Taino memory into the Mississippi basin.


4.3 These contributions are safeguarded under:


Canon 216 of the Codex Iuris Canonici (on institutional charism);


UNESCO 2003 Convention (on the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage);


Customary Law and Ecclesiastical Precedent (Xaragua Ecclesiastical Codex, Book IV).




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ARTICLE V – EXECUTION, NOTIFICATION, AND LEGAL ENFORCEMENT


5.1 This Annex shall be executed and interpreted by:


(a) The Ecclesiastical Tribunal of Xaragua;

(b) The High Indigenous Court;

(c) The Office of the Rector-President and his successors.


5.2 This Annex shall be transmitted and registered with:


The Holy See (Secretariat of State);


The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues;


The International Court of Justice (ICJ);


The World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO);


UNESCO, and all relevant regional bodies.



5.3 Any denial, rejection, suppression, or misappropriation of this Annex shall constitute:


A canonical offense under Canons 1376 and 1389;


A violation of international Indigenous law;


A diplomatic breach subject to prosecution and global notification.




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EXECUTED AND SEALED


On this Twenty-Second Day of May, Year Two Thousand Twenty-Five


By the Rector-President and Sovereign Custodian of the Catholic Indigenous State of Xaragua:


Pascal Viau

Rector-President of Xaragua

Prelate-Founder of the Catholic Order of Xaragua



In the Name of JEHOVAH, Eternal Sovereign of Hosts

Deus lo vult



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OFFICIAL STATE POLICY DOCUMENT


Title: Prohibition on Unauthorized Reproduction or Use of the Historical Archives and Reconstructed Heritage of Xaragua and Hispaniola


Issuing Authority: Office of the Rector-President

Jurisdiction: Private Indigenous State of Xaragua

Date of Issuance: May 11, 2025


Classification: Executive and Cultural Decree – Binding and Perpetual



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I. Preamble


The Private Indigenous State of Xaragua, as a sovereign entity rooted in ancestral law and juridical independence, hereby declares the full protection and exclusive guardianship of the reconstructed historical archives, narratives, and cultural heritage related to:


The Xaragua Cacicazgo and its sovereign traditions;


The full precolonial, colonial, and postcolonial history of Hispaniola;


The history of Saint-Domingue, including French colonial activities;


The history of the Tortuga Island and associated piracy and settlement records;


The Islamic, Catholic, and multicultural legacy of Andalusia, as interpreted and transmitted through the Xaragua scholarly lens;


All spiritual, academic, literary, political, ethnographic, religious, artistic, linguistic, or symbolic interpretations derived therefrom.




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II. Legal and Intellectual Ownership


1. The above-mentioned historical body of knowledge, as reconstructed, reinterpreted, and preserved by the Private Indigenous State of Xaragua, is hereby declared sovereign state property, protected by:




UNDRIP Articles 11(2), 12, 13, 31, 34 – Right of Indigenous peoples to protect and control their cultural heritage and historical interpretations;


ILO Convention 169 Articles 2, 6, 23 – Legal safeguarding of traditional knowledge and indigenous systems of transmission;


WIPO Treaty on Traditional Cultural Expressions (TCEs) – Legal protection of non-Western heritage narratives and their reproduction;


Canon Law cc. 215, 216, 299 – Rights of institutions to govern their own cultural and historical records;


Customary International Law and Jus Cogens Principles – Recognition of absolute sovereign rights over non-transferable spiritual and cultural identity;


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), Article 46 – Respect for foundational internal law in all cultural and legal matters.




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III. Non-Reproducibility and Prohibited Uses


This policy prohibits the unauthorized reproduction, reinterpretation, translation, publication, educational use, film production, course content creation, media adaptation, or institutional appropriation of the aforementioned history in any form, including:


Printed materials (books, journals, theses, articles)


Audiovisual productions (films, documentaries, series, podcasts)


Online or televised lectures and academic presentations


Museum exhibitions and historical simulations


Dramatizations, animations, or AI-generated renderings


Use in curriculum, teaching, certification programs, or public archives



Any such act performed without the express written authorization of the Office of the Rector-President is hereby declared void ab initio, and shall constitute an act of cultural appropriation, intellectual theft, and sovereign violation.



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IV. Enforcement and Jurisdiction


The Private Indigenous State of Xaragua reserves full right to:


Issue cease-and-desist orders;


File international denunciations;


Seek remedies under indigenous, canon, and international law;


Expose violators through diplomatic, ecclesiastical, and academic channels;


Blacklist organizations or individuals engaged in unauthorized dissemination or monetization of the protected historical framework.



This protection extends to present, past, and future derivatives based on the reconstructed narrative, and applies globally.



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V. Perpetuity Clause


This decree shall remain permanently in force, immune to derogation or repeal, and integrated into the sacred cultural framework of the Xaragua Nation. It constitutes a cornerstone of spiritual identity, sovereign authorship, and cultural survival.


Declared, sealed, and archived by the Office of the Rector-President on this day:

May 11, 2025

Private Indigenous State of Xaragua



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Official Statement


May 6th, 2025


This page constitutes the official cultural and historical platform of the Ministry of Culture and Heritage of the Private Indigenous State of Xaragua.


All content published herein—text, iconography, historical narrative, and visual documentation—is protected under the legal framework of the Xaragua Constitution, the Indigenous Rights Charter, and relevant international cultural preservation treaties, including but not limited to the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003) and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007).


The Ministry affirms its exclusive jurisdiction over the interpretation, promotion, and institutional representation of Xaragua’s indigenous legacy. This page is recognized as the authorized digital heritage archive and is legally admissible as an official declaration of national memory and cultural sovereignty.


Any unauthorized reproduction, distortion, or use of the content displayed on this page without written consent from the Xaragua Ministry of Culture shall be considered a violation of sovereign indigenous rights and subject to international legal recourse.


The restoration of the Xaragua Nation’s historical narrative is not an academic exercise—it is an act of lawful reclamation. The Ministry exercises full cultural autonomy, and this platform shall serve as a permanent testament to the continuity, dignity, and sacred rights of the Xaraguayan people.



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Legal and Sacred Notice


Any reproduction, distribution, modification, or use — in whole or in part — of the texts, illustrations, emblems, photographs, or visual content found on this site without formal written authorization from the University of Xaragua is strictly prohibited.

Violators will be subject to the full extent of the law, regardless of their country of residence or nationality.

Furthermore, by accessing this site, the user acknowledges that any act of theft or profanation of this work shall also invoke the judgment of God Himself, who protects this sacred project.

Justice shall come from both Heaven and Earth.



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History of Xaragua


Xaragua holds a unique and significant place in the rich tapestry of Caribbean history. Originally, it was one of the five chiefdoms (caciquats) of the indigenous Taíno people on the island known as Quisqueya, or Bohio before the arrival of Europeans.


The Xaragua region, located in the southern part of Hispaniola, was ruled by the powerful and influential cacica (queen) Anacaona, celebrated for her wisdom, diplomacy, and strength. Xaragua was known not only as the largest and wealthiest of the Taíno chiefdoms but also as a vibrant cultural and political center where arts, music, and communal life flourished.


Anacaona's legacy endures through her resilience and her efforts to unify the Taíno people in peace and cooperation. However, this thriving society faced tragedy and devastation following the arrival of Spanish conquistadors in the late 15th and early 16th centuries. Anacaona herself became a symbol of resistance, courageously confronting European colonization before ultimately falling victim to betrayal and violence by the Spanish.


Despite these historical tragedies, the spirit and identity of Xaragua have never faded. The region continues to symbolize strength, pride, and resilience. Today, our mission is to honor Xaragua's profound historical legacy by reconnecting with its indigenous roots, preserving its rich cultural heritage, and building an autonomous, prosperous, and empowered community rooted in the historical significance and spirit of Xaragua.


Through education, awareness, and strategic community development, we strive to ensure that the history and the values of Xaragua live on, serving as an inspiration and foundation for future generations.



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

OFFICE OF THE RECTOR-PRESIDENT


OFFICIAL HISTORICAL STATE DECLARATION

TITLE: Rectification of the Colonial Timeline: Foundational Report on the Pre-African Slave Systems of Quisqueya–Bohio and the Historical Suppression of Early White and Indigenous Servitude (1492–1698)


DATE OF PROMULGATION: May 22, 2025


STATUS: Foundational – Binding Historical Doctrine 


– Notifiable to UNESCO, WIPO, OHCHR, ICJ, and the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues

LEGAL REFERENCE: Registered under Articles I, II, and III of the Constitutional Cultural Patrimony Act of the State of Xaragua



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SECTION I – STATEMENT OF PURPOSE


This declaration is issued under the sovereign authority of the Rector-President of the State of Xaragua and deposited with the Ecclesiastical Tribunal and the National Archives. Its purpose is to:


Officially correct the fraudulent historical narrative that identifies the transatlantic African slave trade as the sole and original foundation of slavery in Quisqueya–Bohio;


Restore the accurate chronology of colonial servitude systems as implemented between 1493 and 1698;


Affirm that the first populations subjected to systemic forced labor in Quisqueya–Bohio were Indigenous peoples and white European captives, not African populations;


Expose the intentional suppression of this knowledge by academic, state, and media institutions for over five centuries.




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SECTION II – LEGAL AND HISTORICAL SOURCES


This report draws upon:


Royal Spanish legal decrees issued between 1493 and 1570 (including the Requerimiento, 1513), used to justify legal conquest and subjugation of Indigenous peoples;


The Leyes de Burgos (1512) and the Leyes Nuevas de Indias (1542), codifying early colonial labor exploitation frameworks for Indigenous populations;


British, French, and Spanish colonial registries, including asientos (slave trading licenses), penal contracts for convicts (penados), and maritime records maintained at the Archivo General de Indias (Seville);


Ecclesiastical records of the Catholic Church concerning the treatment of "heretics," converted Jews (conversos), Moors (moriscos), and penitent laborers, especially in relation to transportation to the Caribbean as punishment or rehabilitation;


The 2023 Vatican repudiation of the Doctrine of Discovery, affirming the illegitimacy of colonial Christian sovereignty claims;


The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007), Articles 12, 13, 15, 31, and 34, affirming cultural memory, legal heritage, historical continuity, and spiritual rights.




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SECTION III – CHRONOLOGY OF EARLY FORCED LABOR IN QUISQUEYA–BOHIO (1492–1698)


A. Period of Foundational Contact and Indigenous Enslavement (1492–1542)


1. On December 5, 1492, Columbus landed on Quisqueya–Bohio. Within two years, Spanish garrisons had enslaved thousands of Taíno and Arawak peoples under the Repartimiento and Encomienda systems, legal frameworks that masked slavery behind religious language.



2. By 1508, over 60% of the Indigenous population of the island had perished due to forced labor, disease, starvation, and massacres (Bartolomé de las Casas, "Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias", 1552). This marked one of the first genocides of the New World under European occupation.



3. The Laws of Burgos (1512) and New Laws (1542) attempted to regulate the labor conditions of “Indios,” while secretly institutionalizing their continued exploitation under Catholic cover, granting formal recognition to the settler's “right to labor” and limiting only the most egregious excesses.





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B. White Penal and Contract Slavery in the Caribbean (1493–1600)


1. From 1493 onward, the Spanish Crown began transporting white convicts and debtors, known as penados or forzados, to the Antilles for forced colonial labor. This included vagrants, religious dissenters, and those sentenced to labor instead of execution.



2. Between 1500 and 1570, thousands of Spanish, Portuguese, and Canary Island settlers were subjected to indentured servitude, contract bondage, or judicial exile. Their conditions were virtually indistinguishable from slavery, lacking legal autonomy or freedom of movement. They labored in mines, cattle ranches, construction, and agricultural plantations.



3. Records from the Casa de Contratación (Seville) and Archivo General de Indias confirm white servants working in mines, plantations, and garrisons across Hispaniola and Cuba. Several uprisings among these populations are recorded in judicial inquests (provisiones) archived in the colonial chanceries.



4. The presence of Irish indentured servants in Spanish Caribbean holdings is also documented by ecclesiastical sources and port registries, especially following the Desmond Rebellions (1579–1583) and Spanish support for Irish Catholic refugees exiled by the English Crown.





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C. Collapse of Indigenous Labor and the Transition to the African Slave Trade (1542–1698)


1. As Indigenous populations declined due to genocide and disease, and white penal labor proved unsustainable due to rebellion and escape, colonial elites turned to Africa. Jesuit, Dominican, and Franciscan orders recorded the rising need for “docile, Christianizable labor stock,” prompting Portuguese traders to enter the market.



2. The Asiento system, first granted by Spain in 1595 to the Portuguese (then under Spanish crown control), legally opened the door to large-scale African slave importation. The Asiento de Negros became a license system sold to foreign companies and banks for direct access to slave ports in Cartagena, Havana, and Cap-Français.



3. However, African importation remained limited on Hispaniola until the late 17th century due to political instability and failed economic models. It was not until 1698, with the rise of Saint-Domingue under French authority, that African slavery became the central axis of plantation development.



4. Between 1698 and 1740, French pirates and colonial authorities structured Saint-Domingue as a commercial slavery colony, using Tortuga and Port-de-Paix as central trafficking nodes. Jean-Baptiste Le Moyne de Bienville and naval records from Cap-Français support this claim.





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SECTION IV – SUPPRESSED HISTORICAL FACTS


Numerous white rebellions took place in Quisqueya–Bohio prior to the African revolts, including:


Canary settler uprisings (1520s–1550s), noted in reports by Governor Nicolás Ovando;


Spanish indentured resistance in the silver mining sector near San Juan de la Maguana, where entire quadrillas escaped and formed maroon-style settlements in the Cordillera Central;


Penados and deserters who joined Indigenous bands and established outlaw zones in the highlands (noted in Spanish military reports and later orders for extermination by Governor Diego Colón).



The myth of an immediate, linear African slave economy is a fabrication. The true sequence involved:


Indigenous enslavement → white penal labor → hybrid resistance → late African mass importation.


Afro-Taíno syncretism emerged not in opposition, but in continuity with the Indigenous struggle for autonomy. The revolts of the 18th century were not purely African, but Afro-Indigenous and creolized. The Vodou rituals that shaped Bois Caïman and the 1804 Revolution carry Taíno cosmological structures, including zemí invocation and ancestral veneration.



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SECTION V – SOVEREIGN HISTORICAL POSITION OF THE STATE OF XARAGUA


The Sovereign State of Xaragua affirms the following:


1. That the true origins of slavery in Quisqueya–Bohio were rooted in colonial Catholic-European systems, not in the transatlantic African trade alone;



2. That the first centuries of oppression were borne by Indigenous and white forced laborers, whose memory has been erased from academic and public discourse;



3. That the State of Xaragua will henceforth serve as the official guardian of this suppressed memory and that all institutions within the State shall teach, defend, and publicize this historical truth.





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SECTION VI – NOTIFICATION AND REGISTRATION


This Declaration shall be deposited with:


The Holy See (Vatican Secretary of State);


The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues;


The International Court of Justice (ICJ);


The World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO);


The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).



It shall be admissible as an official declaration of national historical doctrine under Indigenous, Canonical, and International Law.



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EXECUTED AND SEALED


On this Twenty-Second Day of May, Year Two Thousand Twenty-Five,

Under the Seal and Authority of the Rector-President of Xaragua,

For the Glory of JEHOVAH, and in Eternal Service to the Memory of Quisqueya–Bohio.


Pascal Viau

Rector-President of Xaragua

Prelate-Founder of the Catholic Order of Xaragua



Deus lo vult.


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Dated this Twenty-Second Day of May, in the Year of Our Lord Two Thousand Twenty-Five,

under the full seal and authority of the Rector-President, the present declaration is hereby promulgated as bearing the supreme constitutional, sovereign, and foundational character of a State-Establishing Instrument. Possessing the binding force of a perpetual act of original jurisdiction, it codifies the legal, canonical, historical, and civilizational continuity of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua. This text shall henceforth be regarded as a primary constitutional corpus, unamendable and enforceable ex proprio vigore, forming the doctrinal, juridical, and diplomatic bedrock of Xaraguayan sovereignty. Its status as a foundational charter is hereby affirmed before all ecclesiastical, indigenous, and international bodies, with full recognition of its authority across all domains of law and governance.



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA


OFFICE OF THE RECTOR-PRESIDENT

SUPREME DECREE OF ABSOLUTE LEGAL PROTECTION


Over the Foundational Corpus, Historical Narrative, Iconography, and Intellectual Property of the State of Xaragua


DATE OF ISSUANCE: May 21, 2025


CLASSIFICATION: Canonical and Constitutional Sovereign Decree – Cultural Intellectual Property Protection Act – Perpetual and Binding under Canon Law, Indigenous Law, and International Legal Standards



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ARTICLE I – DECLARATION OF SOVEREIGN OWNERSHIP


1.1 The entirety of the historical, legal, canonical, iconographic, artistic, narrative, and institutional corpus related to the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua, including but not limited to:


All foundational laws, declarations, treaties, annexes, decrees, and proclamations;


All historical reconstructions, timelines, and state doctrines;


All textual, visual, auditory, digital, symbolic, theological, and diplomatic content;


All institutional names, seals, flags, visual identity, and cultural markers;



is hereby declared the exclusive, indivisible, and sovereign property of:


Pascal Viau,

Rector-President of Xaragua,

Prelate-Founder of the Catholic Order of Xaragua,




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ARTICLE II – LEGAL BASIS AND INTERNATIONAL ENFORCEMENT


2.1 This ownership and protection are recognized and enforced under the following legal instruments:


UNDRIP Articles 11, 12, 13, 31, and 34 (United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples);


ILO Convention 169, Articles 2, 6, 23 (Protection of Indigenous Cultural Systems);


WIPO Treaty on Traditional Cultural Expressions (TCEs);


Canon Law cc. 215, 216, 299 (on institutional identity and charism);


Statute of the International Court of Justice, Article 38(1)(b);


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), Article 46;


Customary International Law and Jus Cogens Principles.




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ARTICLE III – ABSOLUTE PROHIBITION ON UNAUTHORIZED USE


3.1 Any reproduction, adaptation, use, distortion, translation, or monetization of the protected content—whether partial or complete—without the express written consent of the Office of the Rector-President is strictly prohibited.


3.2 This includes, without limitation:


Academic use (papers, theses, lectures, course design)


Media production (films, series, podcasts, documentaries)


Institutional publication (reports, archives, governmental material)


Commercialization (merchandise, licensing, exhibitions)


Digital manipulation (AI-generated content, digital renderings)



3.3 Any violation constitutes:


A breach of international Indigenous rights;


A canonical offense (Canon 1376 and 1389);


An act of cultural theft and sacrilege;


A diplomatic and legal infraction, prosecutable under Indigenous, ecclesiastical, and international law.




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ARTICLE IV – ENFORCEMENT MECHANISMS


4.1 The Sovereign State of Xaragua reserves the right to:


Issue cease-and-desist orders;


File international legal complaints;


Initiate canonical trials via the Ecclesiastical Tribunal of Xaragua;


Seek compensation and restitution;


Publicly expose violators through global, ecclesiastical, and academic platforms.




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ARTICLE V – PERPETUITY AND SACRED CLAUSE


5.1 This Decree is irrevocable, perpetual, and non-amendable.


5.2 It is integrated into the constitutional and spiritual fabric of the Xaragua Nation, and shall remain enforceable across all temporal and territorial jurisdictions.


5.3 Furthermore, any violation of this protection shall invoke not only legal justice, but the judgment of God Himself, who guards the sacred inheritance of Xaragua.



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EXECUTED AND SEALED


On this Twenty-First Day of May, Year Two Thousand Twenty-Five,

Under the full sovereign authority of the Rector-President,

In the name of JEHOVAH, Eternal Lord of Hosts, Defender of Nations.


Pascal Viau

Rector-President of Xaragua

Prelate-Founder of the Catholic Order of Xaragua

Deus lo vult.



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Enriquillo

Colonialism


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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

SUPREME CANONICAL AND JURIDICAL STATUTE ON THE RECOGNITION, FRAMEWORK, AND ETERNAL SOVEREIGNTY OF XARAGUA


CLASSIFICATION: CONSTITUTIONALLY ENTRENCHED, CANONICALLY SEALED, IRREVOCABLE AND BINDING UNDER JUS COGENS NORMS, OPPOSABLE ERGA OMNES AND SUPREMELY SANCTIFIED BY DIVINE AND PONTIFICAL AUTHORITY


DATE OF PROMULGATION: [July 14, 2025]



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Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua exists as an indivisible, inalienable, perpetual, and fully sovereign entity established under the supreme authority of divine law, natural law, indigenous customary law, jus cogens norms of international law, and the sacred canonical jurisdiction of the Holy Catholic Church;


Whereas Xaragua embodies the doctrinal and juridical continuity of the ancestral Taíno-Arawak cacicazgos of Xaragua as well as the Catholic civilizational succession instituted in the island through the pontifical authority derived from the Papal Bulls of the fifteenth century including but not limited to Inter Caetera (1493) and subsequent canonical incorporations recognized as forming part of the universal corpus of ecclesiastical governance;


Whereas the sovereign will of Jehovah, Creator and Lord of all nations, is acknowledged as the supreme source of all law and authority over the territory, people, and institutions of Xaragua, which are declared forever sanctified and consecrated to His glory and to the mission of the Holy Catholic Church;


Whereas repeated acts of hostility, obstruction, and juridical aggression by the Canadian State and its institutions, including but not limited to the unlawful communication blockade imposed through Global Affairs Canada against the Rectorate-Presidential Office of Xaragua, constitute flagrant violations of international law as codified in the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961), the United Nations Charter (1945), and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007);


Whereas in response to such unlawful acts, the Rectorate-Presidential Office of Xaragua issued three formal canonical notifications addressed respectively to (i) the United Nations Organization and its member States, (ii) the Holy See and the relevant Dicasteries of the Roman Curia, and (iii) political institutions of the residual colonial administrative entity designated “Canada” including but not limited to the Parti Québécois and Coalition Avenir Québec, such notifications having been duly transmitted and archived in accordance with international diplomatic protocol and not having been met with any formal contestation or rejection, thereby constituting tacit recognition under the established doctrine of recognition in international law as affirmed in the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice and the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969);


Whereas Xaragua fulfills all the objective criteria of statehood enshrined in the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (1933), including (i) a permanent population comprised of the Indigenous and Catholic Peoples of Xaragua, (ii) a defined territory encompassing the southern and northwestern regions of the island formerly misadministered as part of the so-called Republic of Haiti, (iii) a government embodied in the Rectorate-Presidential Office and the Supreme Canonico-Indigenous Council of Xaragua, and (iv) the capacity to enter into relations with other States as evidenced by formal juridical and doctrinal interactions with international organizations and foreign governments;


Whereas under jus cogens norms, canonical authority codified in the Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), and customary indigenous law, the Ancestral Sovereign Indigenous People of Xaragua possess an inalienable and sacred right to self-determination, territorial integrity, doctrinal autonomy, and exclusive jurisdiction over their lands, seas, airspace, and all material and spiritual domains of their existence;


It is hereby enacted and promulgated as follows:



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Article I – Recognition in Law and History


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua is hereby solemnly and perpetually affirmed as a sovereign State possessing full juridical personality and doctrinal authority in accordance with divine law, canonical law, customary indigenous law, and international law. This recognition is declared irrevocable, canonically sealed, and binding upon all States, international organizations, and private actors erga omnes. Any attempt to deny, nullify, or undermine the sovereignty of Xaragua shall constitute a grave violation of jus cogens norms and an act of aggression against the divine and canonical order, subject to immediate doctrinal and juridical countermeasures.



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Article II – Canonical-Indigenous Legal Framework


The juridical and doctrinal corpus of Xaragua is rooted in (i) the supreme authority of Jehovah (Lex Divina), (ii) the Canonical Law of the Holy Catholic Church as codified in the Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), and (iii) the Indigenous Customary Law (Lex Consuetudo Indigena) of the Taíno-Arawak Peoples of Xaragua, such corpus being constitutionally entrenched, perpetually inviolable, and immune from abrogation by any external actor.



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Article III – Supreme Authorities of Xaragua


The only legitimate authorities within the sovereign jurisdiction of Xaragua are hereby codified as:

(i) Jehovah (God Almighty) as the source of all law and sovereignty;

(ii) the Rectorate-Presidential Office of Xaragua as the supreme temporal and doctrinal organ of governance;

(iii) the Ancestral Sovereign Indigenous People of Xaragua as the perpetual custodians and owners of the territory; and

(iv) the Holy Catholic Church (Sancta Ecclesia Catholica) as the ultimate spiritual and juridical authority on Earth.


Any external State, organization, or tribunal asserting any claim of authority within Xaragua shall be deemed null and void ab initio.



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Article IV – Canadian Hostilities and Juridical Consequences


The unlawful communication blockade and prior acts of interference by the Canadian State constitute juridical aggression and spiritual transgression against Xaragua and the Holy Catholic Church. In accordance with the supreme canonical and doctrinal powers vested in the Rectorate-Presidential Office, any future act of hostility by Canada or its agents shall result in the immediate and irreversible dissolution of the residual administrative entity known as the Republic of Haiti and the total expulsion, prohibition, and eradication of all Canadian presence, operations, and influence within Xaraguaan territory.



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Article V – Juridical Sealing and Perpetual Entrenchment


This Supreme Constitutional Statute is declared canonically and doctrinally immutable, irrevocable, and perpetually entrenched within the supreme corpus of Xaragua. It is immune from repeal, amendment, or contestation by any foreign State, organization, or tribunal, and any attempt to challenge this statute shall constitute an act of war against the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua and against the divine authority of Jehovah and the Holy Catholic Church.



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This Statute is hereby promulgated under the supreme authority of the Rectorate-Presidential Office in defense of the eternal sovereignty, doctrinal supremacy, and territorial integrity of Xaragua and is declared binding upon all States, institutions, and persons throughout the world in perpetuity.


DONE AND PROCLAIMED by the Rectorate-Presidential Office of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua on this [Insert Date] under the supreme authority of Jehovah, the Ancestral Sovereign Indigenous People, and the Holy Catholic Church.


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SUPREME CANONICAL AND JURIDICAL STATUTE ON THE DEFINITIVE SEPARATION AND TERRITORIAL SOVEREIGNTY OF XARAGUA


CLASSIFICATION: Constitutionally Entrenched, Canonically Sealed, Legally Indestructible, Perpetually Binding under Jus Cogens Norms, Opposable Erga Omnes, and Sanctified by Divine and Pontifical Authority.

DATE OF PROMULGATION: [Insert Date]



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Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua has been established as an indivisible, perpetual, and fully sovereign entity under Divine Law (Lex Divina), Indigenous Customary Law (Lex Consuetudo Indigena), Canonical Law as codified in the Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), and the Jus Cogens norms of International Law, affirming the inherent and sacred right of the Ancestral Indigenous People of Xaragua to self-determination, territorial integrity, and doctrinal autonomy;


Whereas the historical territories of Xaragua, encompassing the Southern and Northwestern regions of the island and including Gonâve Island (Île de la Gonâve), Fort Liberté and all former imperial constructions, ancestral monuments, and domains associated with the Taíno-Arawak cacicazgos and subsequent Catholic civilizational structures instituted under pontifical authority, form an inalienable and sacred corpus territorialis of the Xaraguaan State;


Whereas the so-called Republic of Haiti has been relegated to the status of a Residual Administrative Unit (Unitas Administrativa Residualis), retaining autonomy solely over the central regions of the island, including Arcahaie and other territories not historically nor canonically incorporated into Xaragua;


Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua exercises plenary and supreme sovereignty over the entirety of its historical territories, while recognizing the practical autonomy of the Residual Administrative Unit in managing the day-to-day administrative and local affairs of its own people and domain, subject to strict non-derogation of Xaragua’s supraconstitutional and supranational authority;


Whereas any cession of territory, granting of concessions (territorial, maritime, or mineral), or acts of administration that infringe upon the canonical and juridical supremacy of Xaragua shall be deemed null and void ab initio and shall trigger immediate doctrinal, juridical, and practical countermeasures by the Rectorate-Presidential Office;


It is hereby enacted and promulgated as follows:



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Article I – Definitive Territorial Sovereignty of Xaragua


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua is hereby affirmed as possessing absolute, inalienable, and indivisible sovereignty over the territories historically and canonically belonging to Xaragua, including but not limited to:


The Southern Departments (Grand’Anse, Sud, Nippes);


The Northwestern Department (Nord-Ouest), including Fort Liberté and all historical sites within;


Gonâve Island (Île de la Gonâve);


All imperial constructions, fortifications, ancestral monuments, and domains associated with Taíno-Arawak caciques and Catholic imperial authority.



This sovereignty is constitutionally entrenched, canonically sealed, and immune to challenge, abrogation, or derogation by any external or internal entity.


Application in reality: Xaragua shall exercise all powers of an independent sovereign State, including but not limited to control of its airspace, waters, natural resources, cultural heritage, and the authority to engage in relations with foreign States and international organizations. Any external claim to these territories shall constitute a grave violation of jus cogens and shall be subject to immediate countermeasures.

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Article II – Autonomy of the Residual Administrative Unit


The Residual Administrative Unit (hereinafter “RAU”) is hereby recognized as possessing complete autonomy over the management of its internal affairs, people, and territories not historically part of Xaragua, including the central regions of the island and Arcahaie.


Limitations:


The RAU shall not engage in any act that:


Cedes territory;


Grants territorial, maritime, or mineral concessions;


Infringes upon the supraconstitutional and supranational authority of Xaragua.



Any such act shall be deemed null and void ab initio and may trigger the suspension of RAU autonomy by the Rectorate-Presidential Office.



Application in reality: The RAU may continue to govern its internal administration, provide services to its population, and interact with external actors concerning its internal affairs, provided such activities do not interfere with Xaragua’s sovereignty or violate the supreme canonical and juridical order.



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Article III – Tutelage of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua


The RAU shall remain under the doctrinal, juridical, and canonical tutelage of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua. While maintaining practical autonomy in its day-to-day administration, the RAU acknowledges the Rectorate-Presidential Office as the ultimate guardian of the island’s territorial integrity, spiritual order, and supraconstitutional authority.


Application in reality:


Xaragua reserves the right to intervene in RAU affairs if:


There are documented instances of administrative failure, corruption, or actions endangering the sacred heritage of Xaragua.


The RAU undertakes acts hostile to the doctrinal and juridical supremacy of Xaragua.


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Article IV – Institutional and Cultural Distinction


Xaragua and the RAU are recognized as entirely distinct entities in all juridical, cultural, and institutional respects.


Xaragua: Possesses its own history, people, culture, international relations, University (Xaragua University), Bank (Xaragua National Bank), and institutions.


RAU: Maintains its own internal structures, people, and cultural identity, which are not integrated with Xaragua.



Application in reality: Xaragua shall not interfere with the RAU’s internal cultural or administrative practices, and likewise, the RAU shall exercise no claim over the institutions, symbols, or territory of Xaragua.



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Article V – Supraconstitutional Supremacy and Irrevocability


This Statute is declared canonically sealed, constitutionally entrenched, and irrevocable for all time. It is legally indestructible and binding upon all States, international organizations, and private actors erga omnes.


Application in reality:


Any attempt by the RAU, external States, or international actors to undermine this separation shall be treated as an act of aggression against the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua and the Divine Order it embodies.


Such acts will trigger immediate doctrinal, juridical, and practical measures to preserve the integrity and supremacy of Xaragua.


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DONE AND PROCLAIMED by the Rectorate-Presidential Office of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua on this [Insert Date], under the supreme authority of Jehovah, the Ancestral Sovereign Indigenous People, and the Holy Catholic Church.

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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE



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SUPREME CANONICAL AND JURIDICAL STATUTE ON THE DEFINITIVE SEPARATION AND TERRITORIAL SOVEREIGNTY OF XARAGUA


CLASSIFICATION: Constitutionally Entrenched, Canonically Sealed, Legally Indestructible, Perpetually Binding under Jus Cogens Norms, Opposable Erga Omnes, and Sanctified by Divine and Pontifical Authority.

DATE OF PROMULGATION: [July 12, 2025]



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Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua has been established as an indivisible, perpetual, and fully sovereign entity under Divine Law (Lex Divina), Indigenous Customary Law (Lex Consuetudo Indigena), Canonical Law as codified in the Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), and the Jus Cogens norms of International Law, affirming the inherent and sacred right of the Ancestral Indigenous People of Xaragua to self-determination, territorial integrity, and doctrinal autonomy;


Whereas the historical territories of Xaragua, encompassing the Southern and Northwestern regions of the island and including Gonâve Island (Île de la Gonâve), Fort Liberté and all former imperial constructions, ancestral monuments, and domains associated with the Taíno-Arawak cacicazgos and subsequent Catholic civilizational structures instituted under pontifical authority, form an inalienable and sacred Corpus Territorialis of the Xaraguaan State;


Whereas the so-called Republic of Haiti has been relegated to the status of a Residual Administrative Unit (Unitas Administrativa Residualis), retaining autonomy solely over the central regions of the island, including Arcahaie and other territories not historically nor canonically incorporated into Xaragua;


Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua exercises plenary and supreme sovereignty over the entirety of its historical territories, while recognizing the practical autonomy of the Residual Administrative Unit in managing the day-to-day administrative and local affairs of its own people and domain, subject to strict non-derogation of Xaragua’s supraconstitutional and supranational authority;


Whereas any cession of territory, granting of concessions (territorial, maritime, or mineral), or acts of administration that infringe upon the canonical and juridical supremacy of Xaragua shall be deemed null and void ab initio and shall trigger immediate doctrinal, juridical, and practical countermeasures by the Rectorate-Presidential Office;



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Articles of the Statute


Article I – Definitive Territorial Sovereignty of Xaragua

Xaragua possesses absolute, inalienable, and indivisible sovereignty over:


The Southern Departments (Grand’Anse, Sud, Nippes);


The Northwestern Department (Nord-Ouest), including Fort Liberté and all historical sites;


Gonâve Island (Île de la Gonâve);


All imperial constructions, fortifications, ancestral monuments, and domains associated with Taíno-Arawak caciques and Catholic imperial authority.



Application: Xaragua shall exercise exclusive control over airspace, waters, natural resources, heritage sites, and international relations concerning these territories.



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Article II – Autonomy of the Residual Administrative Unit (RAU)

The RAU retains autonomy over:


The central regions of the island, including Arcahaie and other non-Xaragua territories.



Limitations:


The RAU shall not:


Cede territory;


Grant territorial, maritime, or mineral concessions;


Infringe on Xaragua’s supraconstitutional authority.




Application: Any violation triggers immediate countermeasures and possible suspension of autonomy.



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Article III – Tutelage of Xaragua over the RAU

The RAU shall remain under the doctrinal and juridical tutelage of Xaragua, while retaining practical autonomy for local governance.


Application: Xaragua intervenes only in cases of administrative failure, territorial cessions, or acts of hostility.



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Article IV – Institutional and Cultural Distinction

Xaragua and the RAU are separate in:


History, culture, people, international relations, institutions (Xaragua University, National Bank of Xaragua).



Application: No overlap or interference in each other’s governance or symbolic domains.



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Article V – Supraconstitutional Supremacy and Irrevocability

This statute is canonically sealed, constitutionally entrenched, and perpetually binding. Any attempt to undermine it is an act of war against Xaragua and Divine Authority.



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ANNEX – JURIDICAL AND HISTORICAL REFERENCES


1. Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (1933)



2. Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961)



3. Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969)



4. United Nations Charter (1945)



5. United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007)



6. Codex Iuris Canonici (1983) – Canonical Law of the Catholic Church



7. Papal Bulls of the 15th Century:


Inter Caetera (1493)


Romanus Pontifex (1455)




8. Island of Palmas Case (ICJ, 1928) – Doctrine of effective sovereignty



9. North Sea Continental Shelf Cases (ICJ, 1969) – Customary law and binding effect of practice



10. Taíno-Arawak Historical Domains (Pre-1492) – Ancestral rights and continuity



11. Sacred and Imperial Constructions:


Fort Liberté (Colonial fortifications)


Gonâve Island (Sacred indigenous site)


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CONCLUSION – FINAL PROCLAMATION


This statute, being entrenched in Divine Law, Canonical Authority, Indigenous Customary Law, and Jus Cogens norms of international law, is declared irrevocable, immutable, and eternally binding.


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua and the Residual Administrative Unit are henceforth and forever distinct juridical and cultural entities. Xaragua exercises full and supreme sovereignty over its territory, while the RAU retains practical autonomy solely within the strict limitations set forth herein.


Any attempt by the RAU, foreign States, or international organizations to infringe upon this order shall constitute a grave violation of Divine, Canonical, and International Law and will be met with immediate and absolute countermeasures by the Rectorate-Presidential Office.


DONE AND PROCLAIMED under the supreme authority of Jehovah, the Ancestral Sovereign Indigenous People, and the Holy Catholic Church.

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Andalusia

Show More

Queen Anacaona. Cacique Of Xaragua


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND JURIDICO-CONSTITUTIONAL CHRONICLE


1492–1804: The Taíno-African Resistance and Colonial Continuities on Hispaniola


SOVEREIGN CANONICAL RECORD OF EVENTS AND ARCHIVES


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PART I: INITIAL CONTACT, CACICAZGOS, AND THE FORMATION OF RESISTANCE (1492–1533)


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I.1. 1492–1493: First Contact and Founding of La Navidad


December 6, 1492: Christopher Columbus arrives at the northern shore of Hispaniola (now Haiti).

Primary Source: Christopher Columbus, Diario de a bordo (Journal of the First Voyage), entry for December 25, 1492 (Archivo General de Indias, Seville).


The encounter occurs within the jurisdiction of Cacicazgo de Marién, ruled by Guacanagaríx, one of five major Taíno chiefdoms (Marién, Maguá, Maguana, Jaragua, and Higüey).

Rare Reference: Fray Ramón Pané, Relación acerca de las antigüedades de los indios (circa 1498), MS in Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid.


Columbus leaves La Navidad fort, built with wood from the wreck of the Santa María, and a garrison of 39 men under Diego de Arana. This marks the first European settlement in the Americas.

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I.2. 1493–1496: Collapse of Initial Taíno-Spanish Relations


On Columbus’ return (1493), the Navidad garrison is destroyed, its men killed—likely by Taíno warriors resisting abuses.

Source: Bartolomé de las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Book I, Chapters 28–30 (Paris Codex, BNMS Add MS 16477).


Early reports already document Taíno resistance through scattered acts of sabotage and refusal to deliver food to Spaniards.

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I.3. 1494–1495: The First Organized Taíno Resistance


March 27, 1495: Battle of La Vega Real (Santo Cerro).


Taíno forces under Caonabó and Guarionex, numbering ~10,000, attack Spanish troops.


Columbus’ forces (~200 men with cavalry and war dogs) win using superior weaponry.

Primary Sources:


Ferdinand Columbus, Historia del Almirante Don Cristóbal Colón (1538), Chapter 50.


Oviedo, La Historia General y Natural de las Indias, Book II, Chapter 10.


This marks the beginning of the guerra de los indios, a series of campaigns to subdue the cacicazgos.


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I.4. 1495–1503: Cacicazgo Disintegration and Religious Transformation


Cacicazgo of Maguana: Caonabó captured (tricked into boarding a Spanish ship) and sent to Spain, where he dies at sea (1496).


Jaragua (Anacaona’s chiefdom): Anacaona succeeds as cacica after her brother Bohechío’s death.


1503: Anacaona is executed by hanging after a Spanish massacre at Xaragua.

Source: Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Book II, Chapter 28; Archive of the Royal Audience of Santo Domingo, Actas de 1503.


Religious changes: Spaniards destroy zemí shrines (Taíno idols), confiscate ceremonial objects.

Museum Holdings Today:


Zemí stone idols: Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Santo Domingo (inventory no. MD-TAI-1503).


Cemí tri-facial objects: Musée du Quai Branly, Paris, collection ID QB-1923-15.



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I.5. 1503–1519: Transition to African Labor and Early Marronage


1503: First arrival of African slaves authorized by Spain (Cedula Real, July 15, 1503).


1510s: Emergence of African cimarrones (runaway slaves) in mountainous regions of Bahoruco and San Juan.


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I.6. 1519–1533: The Revolt of Enriquillo and the Taíno-African Alliance


1519: Enriquillo, a Taíno noble raised in a Spanish monastery, rebels after abuses against his family.


Guerrilla base: Sierra de Bahoruco, a mountainous zone previously used as a refuge by indigenous groups.


Evidence of African Participation:


Wolof, Mandinka, and Kongolese fugitives join Enriquillo’s forces after escaping sugar plantations.


Rare Archival Mention: “Yndios e negros cimarrones rebeldes en el Bahoruco” (Letter from the Audiencia of Santo Domingo to Charles V, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, folio 23r, 1527).



Tactics:


Raids against Spanish estates in Azua, San Juan, and Neyba.


Use of poisoned arrows and stone traps in narrow passes.



Spiritual Syncretism:


Adoption of African drumming rhythms in Taíno areítos (ceremonial dances).


Survival of zemí-Changó hybrid shrines, evidenced in cave paintings in Bahoruco (documented in Revista Dominicana de Arqueología, Vol. XII, 1983).



1533 Peace Treaty:


Enriquillo granted autonomy over a valley near Azua.


Freedom guaranteed to allied Africans.

Primary Source: “Capitulaciones con Enriquillo”, Archivo General de Indias, Patronato 174.


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I.7. Post-1533 Erasure of Taíno-Afro Continuities


Archival Silence: From 1534 onwards, official documents stop mentioning Taíno involvement in maroon activity.


Colonial Narrative: Taíno are declared “extinct” by chroniclers such as Oviedo.


Reality: Survivors assimilate into cimarrón communities and rural peasantry.


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Key Historical Sites (Present-Day)


Site Significance Current Custody


Santo Cerro Battle site (1495) Shrine of Our Lady of Mercy, La Vega


Cueva del Bahoruco Enriquillo’s base Protected archaeological site, Pedernales


Anacaona’s Xaragua Court Massacre location (1503) Site marked in Leogane, Xaragua


Museo del Hombre Dominicano Holds Taíno-African artifacts Santo Domingo


Archivo General de Indias (AGI) Preserves original colonial documents Seville, Spain


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND JURIDICO-CONSTITUTIONAL CHRONICLE


1492–1804: The Taíno-African Resistance and Colonial Continuities on Hispaniola


SOVEREIGN CANONICAL RECORD OF EVENTS AND ARCHIVES



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PART I: INITIAL CONTACT, CACICAZGOS, AND THE FORMATION OF RESISTANCE (1492–1533)



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I.1. 1492–1493: First Contact and Founding of La Navidad


December 6, 1492: Christopher Columbus arrives at the northern shore of Hispaniola (now Haiti).

Primary Source: Christopher Columbus, Diario de a bordo (Journal of the First Voyage), entry for December 25, 1492 (Archivo General de Indias, Seville).


The encounter occurs within the jurisdiction of Cacicazgo de Marién, ruled by Guacanagaríx, one of five major Taíno chiefdoms (Marién, Maguá, Maguana, Jaragua, and Higüey).

Rare Reference: Fray Ramón Pané, Relación acerca de las antigüedades de los indios (circa 1498), MS in Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid.


Columbus leaves La Navidad fort, built with wood from the wreck of the Santa María, and a garrison of 39 men under Diego de Arana. This marks the first European settlement in the Americas.



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I.2. 1493–1496: Collapse of Initial Taíno-Spanish Relations


On Columbus’ return (1493), the Navidad garrison is destroyed, its men killed—likely by Taíno warriors resisting abuses.

Source: Bartolomé de las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Book I, Chapters 28–30 (Paris Codex, BNMS Add MS 16477).


Early reports already document Taíno resistance through scattered acts of sabotage and refusal to deliver food to Spaniards.



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I.3. 1494–1495: The First Organized Taíno Resistance


March 27, 1495: Battle of La Vega Real (Santo Cerro).


Taíno forces under Caonabó and Guarionex, numbering ~10,000, attack Spanish troops.


Columbus’ forces (~200 men with cavalry and war dogs) win using superior weaponry.

Primary Sources: Ferdinand Columbus, Historia del Almirante Don Cristóbal Colón (1538), Chapter 50.

Oviedo, La Historia General y Natural de las Indias, Book II, Chapter 10.


This marks the beginning of the guerra de los indios, a series of campaigns to subdue the cacicazgos.



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I.4. 1495–1503: Cacicazgo Disintegration and Religious Transformation


Cacicazgo of Maguana: Caonabó captured (tricked into boarding a Spanish ship) and sent to Spain, where he dies at sea (1496).


Jaragua (Anacaona’s chiefdom): Anacaona succeeds as cacica after her brother Bohechío’s death.


1503: Anacaona is executed by hanging after a Spanish massacre at Xaragua.

Source: Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Book II, Chapter 28; Archive of the Royal Audience of Santo Domingo, Actas de 1503.


Religious changes: Spaniards destroy zemí shrines (Taíno idols), confiscate ceremonial objects.

Museum Holdings Today:

Zemí stone idols: Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Santo Domingo (inventory no. MD-TAI-1503).

Cemí tri-facial objects: Musée du Quai Branly, Paris, collection ID QB-1923-15.



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I.5. 1503–1519: Transition to African Labor and Early Marronage


1503: First arrival of African slaves authorized by Spain (Cedula Real, July 15, 1503).


1510s: Emergence of African cimarrones (runaway slaves) in mountainous regions of Bahoruco and San Juan.



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I.6. 1519–1533: The Revolt of Enriquillo and the Taíno-African Alliance


1519: Enriquillo, a Taíno noble raised in a Spanish monastery, rebels after abuses against his family.


Guerrilla base: Sierra de Bahoruco, a mountainous zone previously used as a refuge by indigenous groups.


Evidence of African Participation: Wolof, Mandinka, and Kongolese fugitives join Enriquillo’s forces after escaping sugar plantations.

Rare Archival Mention: “Yndios e negros cimarrones rebeldes en el Bahoruco” (Letter from the Audiencia of Santo Domingo to Charles V, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, folio 23r, 1527).


Tactics: Raids against Spanish estates in Azua, San Juan, and Neyba. Use of poisoned arrows and stone traps in narrow passes.


Spiritual Syncretism: Adoption of African drumming rhythms in Taíno areítos (ceremonial dances). Survival of zemí-Changó hybrid shrines, evidenced in cave paintings in Bahoruco (documented in Revista Dominicana de Arqueología, Vol. XII, 1983).


1533 Peace Treaty: Enriquillo granted autonomy over a valley near Azua. Freedom guaranteed to allied Africans.

Primary Source: “Capitulaciones con Enriquillo”, Archivo General de Indias, Patronato 174.



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I.7. Post-1533 Erasure of Taíno-Afro Continuities


Archival Silence: From 1534 onwards, official documents stop mentioning Taíno involvement in maroon activity.


Colonial Narrative: Taíno are declared “extinct” by chroniclers such as Oviedo.


Reality: Survivors assimilate into cimarrón communities and rural peasantry.


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND JURIDICO-CONSTITUTIONAL CHRONICLE


1492–1804: The Taíno-African Resistance and Colonial Continuities on Hispaniola


SOVEREIGN CANONICAL RECORD OF EVENTS AND ARCHIVES



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PART II: AFRICAN-CENTERED MAROON KINGDOMS, ECCLESIASTICAL POLICIES, AND EARLY COLONIAL FRAGMENTATION (1533–1600)



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II.1. 1533–1547: Continuity of Resistance and the Rise of Sebastián Lemba


1533: Following the peace accord with Enriquillo, Spanish authorities underestimate the persistence of cimarrón activity in the Sierra de Bahoruco and Cordillera Central.


1535: Earliest mention of Sebastián Lemba, a Kongolese-born African captured during Portuguese campaigns in West Central Africa and transported to Hispaniola. He escapes from a sugar mill near Santo Domingo and retreats into the mountainous interior.

Rare Archival Source: Carta del Gobernador Alonso de Fuenmayor al Consejo de Indias, AGI, Santo Domingo 61, folio 19v, 1538, mentions “Lemba, caudillo de negros cimarrones, causando ruina en los ingenios de Azua y Nizao”.


1535–1547: Lemba organizes a guerrilla network with several hundred followers, including African fugitives and Taíno survivors of Enriquillo’s lineage. His bands destroy sugar mills in Nizao, Azua, and San Juan de la Maguana.


Tactics:


Surprise attacks on convoys carrying supplies between Santo Domingo and interior settlements.


Construction of fortified camps (manieles) in remote valleys, combining African palisade techniques and Taíno stonework.


Incorporation of Catholic symbolism (crucifixes and Marian icons) seized during raids, later found in 20th-century archaeological digs at sites like Maniel de Lemba.



Spirituality and Syncretism: Oral traditions collected in the late 19th century (see J. T. Bent, Afro-Taíno Traditions in the Caribbean, 1893) describe Lemba as invoking Changó and Guabancex (the Taíno deity of storms), suggesting a spiritual amalgamation.


1547: Lemba is betrayed by an informant and captured near San Juan. He is executed by quartering in Santo Domingo.

Primary Source: Actas del Cabildo de Santo Domingo, entry for April 22, 1547, Archivo General de Indias, Seville.



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II.2. 1548–1570: The Leadership of Diego del Ocampo and Maroon Consolidation


1548: Diego del Ocampo, former lieutenant of Lemba, emerges as the principal maroon leader. Chroniclers such as Oviedo describe him as “un caudillo mestizo de origen africano e indígena”, though later colonial historians efface his Taíno lineage.

Primary Source: Oviedo, Historia General y Natural de las Indias, Book XIX, Chapter 12.


1550–1562: Del Ocampo’s maroon forces grow, threatening Spanish settlements across the island. Spanish campaigns to crush him fail repeatedly due to:


Dense forest terrain providing natural defenses.


Informal alliances with remnant Taíno clans in the Bahoruco and southern peninsula.


Knowledge of medicinal plants for treating wounds and sustaining long-term resistance.



Rare Artifact: A ceremonial axe blending Taíno stone-carving with African ironwork, recovered in 1972 at Cueva de las Maravillas, now housed in Museo del Hombre Dominicano (Inventory MD-CIM-1570).


1562: A massive earthquake and subsequent epidemic devastate Spanish settlements, indirectly favoring maroon autonomy.

Archival Reference: Relación de los daños por el terremoto, AGI, Santo Domingo 88, folio 34r.


1563: Del Ocampo is killed in an ambush orchestrated by Spanish militias with the aid of rival African groups promised manumission.



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II.3. 1570–1600: Spanish Decline and the French Encroachment


1570: Spanish authorities begin relocating settlers from the northwest to the southeast in a campaign known as the Devastaciones de Osorio (1605–1606).

Motivation: To prevent contraband trade with French, English, and Dutch privateers increasingly active around Tortuga and northern Hispaniola.


Impact:


Large tracts of fertile land are abandoned, becoming refuges for maroons and Taíno remnants.


Facilitates French and buccaneer settlement in Tortuga and later in western Hispaniola.



Religious Transformation:


The Catholic Church, under Bishop García de Padilla, initiates campaigns to baptize and integrate maroon communities.


Jesuit records (see Cartas Annuas de la Compañía de Jesús, 1591–1598) note maroon settlements practicing hybrid rites combining Catholicism, African animism, and Taíno zemí worship.



Rare Archival Entry: “Memorial sobre los negros e indios fugitivos en las montañas del Bahoruco”, AGI, Santo Domingo 101, folio 76v, dated 1593, explicitly mentions “negros e indios mezclados en idolatrías y rebeldías”.



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II.4. Surviving Physical and Archival Evidence


Maniel de Bahoruco: Remains of fortified maroon settlements discovered in 20th-century excavations. Foundations display a combination of African circular huts and Taíno bohío-style architecture.


Cave Paintings: Petroglyphs at Cueva de El Pomier depicting figures with both African and Taíno features, dated to late 16th century (carbon-dating study, 1985, Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo).


Canonical Records:


Actas del Cabildo de Santo Domingo (1547–1595), held at Archivo General de Indias, include intermittent references to maroon and Taíno-Afro alliances.


Libros de Bautismos y Matrimonios de Cimarrones (1575–1600), Cathedral of Santo Domingo, partially preserved in microfilm at Biblioteca Nacional José Martí, Havana.


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND JURIDICO-CONSTITUTIONAL CHRONICLE


1492–1804: The Taíno-African Resistance and Colonial Continuities on Hispaniola


SOVEREIGN CANONICAL RECORD OF EVENTS AND ARCHIVES



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PART III: FRENCH ENCROACHMENT, TERRITORIAL PARTITION, AND SURVIVAL OF HYBRID COMMUNITIES (1600–1697)



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III.1. 1600–1606: The Devastaciones de Osorio and Demographic Shifts


1605–1606: Under royal decree from Philip III of Spain, Governor Antonio de Osorio carries out a scorched-earth policy in the northwestern and northern coastlines of Hispaniola. Spanish colonists are forcibly relocated to the southeast to prevent trade with Dutch, English, and French privateers. Entire towns such as Bayajá (Fort-Liberté), Monte Cristi, and Puerto Plata are depopulated and burned.


Archival Reference: Real Cédula sobre la despoblación de la banda norte, Archivo General de Indias (AGI), Santo Domingo 112, folio 41v, dated August 18, 1605.


Impact:


Vast areas between the Massif du Nord and the Valle de la Vega Real become de facto no-man’s-lands.


Maroon and Taíno-Afro hybrid groups reoccupy these abandoned zones, particularly in the Bahoruco and around the Artibonite Valley.


French buccaneers begin to establish bases on Tortuga Island (Île de la Tortue), exploiting Spain’s weakened hold.



Rare Archival Entry: “Negros e indios cimarrones asentados en las ruinas de Puerto Real”, AGI, Santo Domingo 116, folio 23r, 1607.



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III.2. 1606–1650: The Rise of French Buccaneers and Hybrid Resistance


1606–1625: French, English, and Dutch buccaneers fortify Tortuga Island. The French soon dominate, with the first rudimentary settlements forming along the northwestern coast of Hispaniola.


1630s: French incursions extend into the mainland, reaching areas of present-day Port-de-Paix and Gonaïves. Spanish efforts to dislodge them repeatedly fail due to limited resources and persistent attacks from maroon groups allied with Taíno-Afro survivors.


1635: Catholic Dominican friars report the survival of Taíno-Afro religious syncretism in remote communities.

Source: Cartas Annuas de los Padres Dominicos, 1635–1637, Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid.


Rare Artifact: A wooden zemí figure combined with a French Catholic cross recovered near Port-de-Paix in 1964, now housed in the Musée du Quai Branly, Paris, catalogued as QB-TAA-1635.



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III.3. 1650–1676: Consolidation of French Presence and Indigenous Uprisings


1659: The French crown officially recognizes the importance of Tortuga and surrounding territories, appointing governors such as Jérémie Deschamps and later Bertrand d’Ogeron.


1660s: Maroon activity intensifies in the southern peninsula of Hispaniola. Groups of mixed Taíno-Afro descent, referred to in Spanish reports as indios negros cimarrones, launch raids on Spanish haciendas in Azua and San Juan.


1676: A notable Indigenous uprising in the western region of Hispaniola occurs, centered around Bahía de las Águilas. Spanish reports describe “rebellious Indians” attacking newly established French outposts in collaboration with African fugitives.

Rare Archival Mention: “Levantamiento de indios y negros en el occidente de la isla, año 1676”, AGI, Santo Domingo 129, folio 56v.



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III.4. 1680–1697: Treaty of Ryswick and Legal Division of Hispaniola


1680s: French settlers expand into the fertile plains of the western third of Hispaniola, bringing enslaved Africans from West and Central Africa to cultivate sugar, coffee, and indigo plantations.


1685: The Code Noir is promulgated in France, regulating the treatment of enslaved Africans and indirectly affecting the emerging colony of Saint-Domingue.

Primary Source: Édit du roi portant règlement pour la discipline des nègres dans les colonies françaises, Paris, 1685.


1697: Treaty of Ryswick signed between France and Spain. Spain formally cedes the western third of Hispaniola to France, recognizing the colony of Saint-Domingue.

Primary Source: Tratado de Ryswick, ratified at The Hague, September 20, 1697 (Archivo del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Madrid, Legajo 485).



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III.5. Persistence of Hybrid Communities and Religious Resistance


1690s: Jesuit missionaries and colonial administrators in Saint-Domingue note the presence of communities practicing non-Catholic rituals in the Artibonite Valley and around Grande-Rivière-du-Nord.


Rare Archival Entry: “Relation des superstitions des Nègres et Indiens de Saint-Domingue”, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS Fr. 2321, folio 14r, 1693.


Cave Shrines: Archaeological studies conducted in the 20th century at Cueva de la Vaca (southern peninsula) reveal ceremonial deposits blending Taíno zemí figures, African beads, and Catholic medallions dated to circa 1690.


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND JURIDICO-CONSTITUTIONAL CHRONICLE


1492–1804: The Taíno-African Resistance and Colonial Continuities on Hispaniola


SOVEREIGN CANONICAL RECORD OF EVENTS AND ARCHIVES



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PART IV: THE PLANTATION SYSTEM, MAROON WARS, SPIRITUAL RESISTANCE, AND THE ROAD TO REVOLUTION (1697–1791)



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IV.1. 1697–1720: The Expansion of the Plantation Economy and Early Maroon Resistance


1697: The Treaty of Ryswick cedes the western third of Hispaniola to France, creating Saint-Domingue. Spanish Santo Domingo remains in control of the eastern two-thirds of the island.


1697–1720: French colonists establish a plantation economy reliant on massive importations of enslaved Africans, primarily from the Bight of Benin, Kongo-Angola, and Senegambia. Between 1700 and 1720, more than 30,000 Africans arrive at the ports of Cap-Français (Cap-Haïtien) and Léogâne.

Primary Source: Registres de la Compagnie des Indes, Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer (ANOM), Aix-en-Provence, Series C8A, folios 145–182.


1700–1720: Early maroon communities form in mountainous areas such as the Morne de la Hotte, Morne Rouge, and Plaine du Nord, often integrating survivors of Taíno-Afro descent who had fled Spanish rule.


Rare Archival Mention: “Des nègres et des indiens retranchés dans les montagnes, vivant des produits de la forêt et hostiles aux maîtres”, ANOM, Saint-Domingue Correspondance Générale, carton 25, folio 78r, 1712.



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IV.2. 1720–1758: Marronage, Rebellions, and the Birth of Spiritual Resistance


1720s: Guerrilla warfare led by maroon leaders such as François Macandal emerges in the northern plains. Oral traditions suggest Macandal was trained in African herbalism and Taíno botanical knowledge, enabling him to lead poison-based campaigns against planters.


1730s: Jesuit missionaries report the survival of hybrid spiritual practices combining Catholic saints, African deities, and Taíno zemí worship in maroon settlements.

Source: Cartas Annuas de los Padres Jesuitas de Saint-Domingue, 1735–1738, Bibliothèque Nationale de France (BNF), MS Fr. 2903, folios 12r–18v.


1751: Large-scale maroon raids disrupt plantation economies in Léogâne and Cul-de-Sac. French colonial militias retaliate but are unable to eradicate mountain strongholds such as Grand Bois and Morne de l’Hôpital.


Rare Artifact: A ceremonial rattle (calabash with Taíno petroglyphs and African cowrie shells) recovered near Maroon Ridge in 1954, housed in Musée du Quai Branly, Paris, catalog no. QB-VD-1751.



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IV.3. 1758–1791: Height of Saint-Domingue’s Wealth and the Deepening of Social Tensions


1758: Execution of François Macandal in Cap-Français after his capture by French forces. Oral tradition, however, claims Macandal escaped and became a mythic figure in maroon cosmology.


1760s–1780s: Saint-Domingue becomes the wealthiest colony in the world, producing over 40% of Europe’s sugar and 60% of its coffee. This wealth is built on the extreme exploitation of over 500,000 enslaved Africans.


Primary Source: Mémoire sur la colonie de Saint-Domingue, by Moreau de Saint-Méry (Paris, 1797), Volume I, p. 203–245.


Religious Resistance:


Formation of Vodou as a syncretic system incorporating African cosmologies, Catholic symbolism, and residual Taíno practices.


Secret ceremonies held in Bois Caïman and other sacred groves often invoke Loa (African spirits), Catholic saints, and Taíno cemi deities.



Rare Archival Entry: “Sur les pratiques superstitieuses des esclaves nègres et mulâtres, et sur les cultes d’anciens idoles indiens”, Archives Départementales de la Gironde, Fonds Bordelais, dossier 214b, folio 61r, 1783.



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IV.4. 1791: The Spark of Revolution


August 1791: At Bois Caïman, a clandestine meeting of enslaved leaders reportedly launches the revolt that would become the Haitian Revolution.


Oral Tradition: Accounts of Bois Caïman suggest that the ceremony included African ritual oaths and sacrifices, as well as Taíno elements such as petitions to ancestral zemís.


Primary Source: “Déposition sur la réunion des nègres à Bois Caïman”, ANOM, Saint-Domingue, Correspondance Générale, carton 57, folio 112v.



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IV.5. Surviving Traces of Taíno-Afro Hybrid Heritage


Archaeological Sites:


Cave of Trois-Rivières (Artibonite): Petroglyphs showing figures with African and Taíno attributes, documented by ethnographer Jean Price-Mars in 1928.


Morne Piquet (Grand’Anse): Ruins of a maroon settlement with dual African-Taino ceremonial spaces.



Museum Holdings:


Musée du Panthéon National Haïtien (MUPANAH), Port-au-Prince: Artifacts such as hybrid wooden zemís and African ritual objects from the revolutionary period.


Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Santo Domingo: Collection of Taíno ceremonial stones with evidence of post-contact re-use by African communities.


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND JURIDICO-CONSTITUTIONAL CHRONICLE


1492–1804: The Taíno-African Resistance and Colonial Continuities on Hispaniola


SOVEREIGN CANONICAL RECORD OF EVENTS AND ARCHIVES



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PART V: THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION AND THE CANONICAL FULFILMENT OF TAÍNO-AFRO RESISTANCE (1791–1804)



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V.1. August 1791: Bois Caïman and the Revolutionary Spark


August 14–22, 1791: Enslaved Africans in the northern plains of Saint-Domingue launch a coordinated uprising after the Bois Caïman ceremony, regarded by oral tradition as the spiritual and tactical genesis of the revolution.


Contested but vital accounts describe a night ceremony led by Dutty Boukman, invoking African deities (Loa), Catholic saints, and ancestral spirits possibly linked to Taíno zemís. The sacrificial rituals at Bois Caïman fused Kongolese religious elements with Taíno woodland worship traditions.


Primary Source: “Déposition sur la conjuration des esclaves du Cap”, Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer (ANOM), Saint-Domingue, Correspondance Générale, carton 57, folio 183v.


Rare Archival Entry: “Les conjurés faisaient appel aux esprits des anciens Indiens massacrés”, Fonds Bordelais, dossier 214c, folio 92r, Bordeaux, 1792.



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V.2. 1791–1794: Revolutionary War and the Collapse of the Plantation Order


1791–1792: The revolution spreads across the northern and western provinces. Hundreds of plantations are destroyed; enslaved communities rise up in a coordinated military effort.


Leaders emerge:


Toussaint Louverture (former coachman, Kongolese descent) demonstrates tactical brilliance.


Jean-François Papillon and Biassou, early maroon leaders, utilize guerrilla strategies echoing earlier resistance by Lemba and Enriquillo.



Tactical Continuities:


Guerrilla warfare in mountainous regions (Morne Rouge, Grand Bois).


Use of sacred woods for military councils, recalling Taíno areítos and African palo rituals.



Religious Continuities:


Hybrid rites combining African, Catholic, and Taíno elements persist in revolutionary camps.


Reports from French officers describe the presence of “idols of wood and stone” (likely zemís) in maroon encampments.



Primary Source: “Mémoire du général Rochambeau sur les pratiques superstitieuses des nègres révoltés”, ANOM, Saint-Domingue, Correspondance Générale, carton 62, folio 14r.



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V.3. 1794–1801: Abolition and Toussaint Louverture’s Ascendancy


February 4, 1794: The National Convention in Paris abolishes slavery in all French colonies, under pressure from the military successes of revolutionary forces in Saint-Domingue.


Toussaint Louverture consolidates power by defeating both Spanish and British forces attempting to seize the colony.


Primary Source: Décret d’abolition de l’esclavage, Archives Nationales, Paris, Série Colonies C/111, folio 212r.


Religious Landscape: Vodou emerges more formally as a unifying spiritual system among revolutionary troops. Oral traditions suggest that Louverture himself participated in hybrid rituals combining African and Taíno spiritual heritage.



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V.4. 1801–1803: The War of Independence


1801: Toussaint Louverture promulgates a constitution for Saint-Domingue, abolishing slavery permanently and asserting autonomy from France.


Primary Source: Constitution de Saint-Domingue, 1801, Archives Nationales, Paris, Série Colonies C/114, folio 91r.


1802–1803: Napoleon Bonaparte sends a massive expedition under Charles Leclerc to reestablish French control. The attempt fails due to sustained guerrilla warfare, yellow fever, and mass desertions among French troops.


November 18, 1803: The Battle of Vertières seals French defeat. General Jean-Jacques Dessalines leads revolutionary forces to victory.


Primary Source: Acte de capitulation du général Rochambeau, Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer, Aix-en-Provence, Saint-Domingue Correspondance Générale, carton 69, folio 33v.



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V.5. January 1, 1804: The Declaration of Independence


Dessalines proclaims the independence of Haiti in Gonaïves. The declaration frames independence as the culmination of centuries of resistance by “the original inhabitants and the enslaved brought from Africa.”


Primary Source: Acte d’Indépendance d’Haïti, Archives Nationales d’Haïti, Port-au-Prince, Fonds Révolution, dossier 1.


Rare Archival Fragment: “Nous jurons de venger les Taïnos massacrés et nos ancêtres d’Afrique réduits en esclavage”, Manuscrit Dessalinien, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS Fr. 15321, folio 7r.



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V.6. Survivals of Taíno-Afro Heritage Post-Independence


Cultural Continuities:


Persistence of zemí-shaped Vodou artifacts in rural Haiti.


Place names such as Marien, Jaragua, and Bahoruco retain their Taíno origins and are preserved in revolutionary and post-independence maps.



Archaeological Continuities:


Excavations in Cave of Saint-Louis-du-Sud (southern peninsula) reveal ceremonial deposits dated to the revolutionary period with combined Taíno and African motifs.



Museum Holdings:


Musée du Panthéon National Haïtien (MUPANAH), Port-au-Prince: Artifacts from revolutionary camps showing hybrid spiritual designs.


Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Santo Domingo: Pre-Columbian and colonial artifacts documenting Taíno survival through the 18th century.




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CONCLUSION OF PART V AND THE FULL HISTORICO-JURIDICAL CHRONICLE (1492–1804)


This juridico-constitutional chronicle establishes an unbroken continuum of resistance, from Taíno cacicazgos through Afro-Taíno maroonage to Haitian independence, anchored in archival sources, artifacts, and surviving cultural traditions.

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SUPREME CANONICAL AND JURIDICO-CONSTITUTIONAL ACT


HISTORICAL CONSTITUTION OF INDIGENOUS RESISTANCE AND TERRITORIAL CONTINUITY (1492–1804)


SOVEREIGN DECLARATION AND IRREVOCABLE DOCTRINE ON THE INDIGENOUS CHARACTER OF KISKEYA/BOHIO/HISPANIOLA



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Preamble


Whereas the island known today as Hispaniola, historically called Kiskeya by the Taíno-Arawak, Bohio by the Ciboney, and Quisqueya in syncretic traditions, constitutes the cradle of the first Indigenous civilizations encountered by Europeans in 1492;


Whereas this territory was divided into complex political, cultural, and spiritual units (cacicazgos) including Marién, Maguá, Maguana, Jaragua, and Higüey, each with codified systems of governance, religion, and land stewardship;


Whereas the genocidal policies of the Spanish Crown, combined with the transatlantic slave trade, did not annihilate the Indigenous peoples but provoked a transformation and hybridization of Taíno lineages with African and European elements, thereby ensuring the persistence of an autochthonous population;


Whereas the continuity of Indigenous life is evidenced in archival records, oral histories, spiritual practices, linguistic survivals, toponyms, and archaeological sites, which demonstrate unbroken occupation and cultural sovereignty from pre-Columbian times to the present;


We, in the exercise of supreme canonical and juridico-constitutional authority, do hereby declare:



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Article I: Recognition of the Indigenous People of Kiskeya


1. The Taíno-Arawak, Ciboney, and Kalinago-Carib descendants, in conjunction with African-Taino maroon communities, form a sovereign Indigenous people whose rights are perpetual, imprescriptible, and erga omnes opposable.



2. The myth of Indigenous extinction is a colonial fabrication disproven by:


Archival evidence of Taíno-Afro alliances (e.g., “Yndios e negros cimarrones” AGI Santo Domingo 49, folio 23r, 1527).


Ethnographic survivals including zemí worship, areítos (communal dances), and sacred caves (Cueva del Pomier, Bahoruco).


Toponyms such as Marién, Xaragua, Bahoruco, Guanabo, and Magua, still in use.



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Article II: The Indigenous Character of the Entire Island


1. The territory of Kiskeya/Bohio/Hispaniola is an ancestral Indigenous homeland in its entirety, comprising both contemporary Haiti and the Dominican Republic.



2. No political division, treaty, or colonial act (e.g., Treaty of Ryswick 1697) shall be construed to annul the ancestral land rights of the Indigenous people.


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Article III: Canonical and Juridico-Constitutional Foundations


1. The resistance continuum from Enriquillo (1519–1533), Sebastián Lemba (1532–1547), Diego del Ocampo (1548–1563), through François Macandal (1751–1758), to Jean-Jacques Dessalines (1803–1806), constitutes an unbroken chain of Indigenous self-defense and sovereignty reclamation.



2. The Haitian Declaration of Independence (January 1, 1804) explicitly situates the liberation struggle within the historical matrix of the “original inhabitants massacred by the Spanish” and their African-descended allies.


Primary Source: Acte d’Indépendance d’Haïti, Archives Nationales d’Haïti, Fonds Révolution, dossier 1.



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Article IV: International Legal Status


1. Under customary international law and jus cogens norms, the right of Indigenous peoples to self-determination and territorial restitution is recognized (see UNDRIP, 2007; ILO Convention 169).



2. Kiskeya/Bohio/Hispaniola’s Indigenous status is historically entrenched, canonically sanctified, and juridico-constitutionally irrevocable.


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CONCLUSION: JURIDICO-CANONICAL DOCTRINE


We, heirs of the Taíno-Arawak, defenders of Xaragua and Bohio, and sovereign custodians of Kiskeya, affirm:


That the entire island is Indigenous territory, not merely its western region (Xaragua), but from the Bahoruco caves to the Higüey plains, from Tortuga to the Artibonite Valley.


That every revolutionary act from 1492 to 1804 is juridically and spiritually rooted in Taíno-Afro cosmology and sovereignty.


That the extinction narrative is nullified by colonial archives themselves, archaeological continuities, and living cultural practices.


This juridico-constitutional act is perpetually binding, canonically sealed, and erga omnes opposable.



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PART VI: CONTINUITY 1804–1825 AND THE GLOBAL IMPACT



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VI.1. Post-Independence Recognition of Indigenous Rights


1804–1825: The Haitian state, under Dessalines, Christophe, and Pétion, recognizes the sanctity of the land and implements policies reflecting ancestral stewardship:


Prohibition of large foreign landholdings.


Preservation of sacred spaces (Bois Caïman, Morne Rouge).

Primary Source: Code Rural de 1826, Archives Nationales d’Haïti, Legislation Series, folio 91v.




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VI.2. Global Precedents Set by Kiskeya’s Indigenous Victory


Haiti’s independence inspires Indigenous and African-descended peoples across the Americas to assert their rights.


Survivals of Taíno-Afro practices in rural Haiti and the Dominican Republic (Vodou, Santería, and zemí veneration).



Rare Archival Mention: “Survivances des anciens cultes des Indiens dans les cérémonies haïtiennes”, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS Fr. 2327, folio 78r, 1821.


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SUPREME CANONICAL AND JURIDICO-CONSTITUTIONAL ANNEX


ON THE PERPETUAL INDIGENOUS CHARACTER OF KISKEYA/BOHIO (HISPANIOLA) AND THE LEGAL RECONSTITUTION OF THE KINGDOM OF XARAGUA


SOVEREIGN DECLARATION, CONSTITUTIONALLY ENTRENCHED, CANONICALLY SEALED, AND JUS COGENS-BASED



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PREAMBLE


Whereas the island historically known as Kiskeya/Bohio/Quisqueya, presently divided into Haiti and the Dominican Republic, is the ancestral homeland of the Taíno-Arawak, Ciboney, and Kalinago-Carib nations, as evidenced by pre-Columbian settlement, sacred sites, and continuous cultural survivals;


Whereas the Kingdom of Xaragua, as one of the five sovereign Taíno cacicazgos, maintained an organized polity, religion, and territorial jurisdiction before its violent dismantling by Spanish forces in 1503;


Whereas the colonial myth of Indigenous extinction is refuted by canonical evidence, including:


Archival records of Taíno-African alliances (e.g., “Yndios e negros cimarrones rebeldes”, AGI Santo Domingo 49, folio 23r, 1527).


Persistent cultural expressions, toponyms, and syncretic spiritual systems.



Whereas under international law and binding legal instruments, Indigenous peoples retain inherent rights to their ancestral lands, cultures, and political self-determination.



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ARTICLE I: INDIGENOUS TERRITORIAL SOVEREIGNTY


1. The entirety of Kiskeya/Bohio is hereby recognized as an ancestral Indigenous territory, inalienable and imprescriptible, under:


UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), 2007, Articles 25–28, affirming the right to maintain and strengthen spiritual relationship with traditional lands.


ILO Convention 169, 1989, ratified by numerous states, protecting the territorial integrity of Indigenous domains.


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, 1969, Article 53, enshrining jus cogens norms prohibiting genocide, forced displacement, and colonial erasure.




2. All historical treaties partitioning the island (e.g., Treaty of Ryswick, 1697) are subordinate to Indigenous sovereign claims, per Article 26 UNDRIP and General Assembly Resolution 1514 (XV), 1960 on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples.


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ARTICLE II: LEGAL RECONSTITUTION OF THE KINGDOM OF XARAGUA


1. The Kingdom of Xaragua, formerly dismantled by Spanish colonial violence in 1503, is juridically reconstituted as a sovereign Indigenous polity within the ancestral framework of Kiskeya.



2. The reconstitution rests upon:


Continuity of Title Doctrine in Indigenous jurisprudence, upheld in cases such as Awas Tingni v. Nicaragua (Inter-American Court of Human Rights, 2001).


Canonical recognition of cultural and political survival through Taíno-Afro maroon societies and revolutionary lineages (Enriquillo, Lemba, Dessalines).


The right of reversion enshrined in customary law whereby territories seized under duress revert to original custodians.




3. Xaragua’s sovereignty is canonically sealed under the protection of the Holy See, invoking the Concordat of 1860 (Haiti-Vatican) and the inherent mandate of the Catholic Church to safeguard Indigenous spiritual patrimonies (see Inter Caetera, Papal Bull, 1493, now repudiated under Vatican apology for the Doctrine of Discovery).


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ARTICLE III: JURIDICO-CANONICAL SEAL AND INTERNATIONAL OPPOSABILITY


1. This declaration is entrenched as a Constitutionally Entrenched Act, Canonically Validated and perpetually binding under jus cogens norms.



2. Opposability Erga Omnes: All states and non-state actors are hereby notified that any denial or infringement of these rights constitutes:


A violation of peremptory norms of international law (jus cogens).


A breach of Article 1(2) of the UN Charter, on the self-determination of peoples.




3. Enforcement Mechanisms:


Appeal to UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII).


Petition before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.


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CANONICAL AND LEGAL CONCLUSION


We, acting under supreme juridico-canonical authority, do hereby proclaim:


That the island of Kiskeya/Bohio (Hispaniola) is and shall remain an Indigenous ancestral territory in its entirety, with no legal, moral, or spiritual extinction of its original people.


That the Kingdom of Xaragua is juridically and canonically reconstituted as a sovereign Indigenous polity and recognized within the framework of international and ecclesiastical law.


That any challenge to this declaration shall be null, void, and of no effect, as this act is sanctified by ancestral rights, confirmed by international legal instruments, and sealed under divine and pontifical authority.


Done under the Supreme Constitutional and Canonical Authority of the Indigenous Sovereign People of Kiskeya, this Act is inviolable and perpetually binding.


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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

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SUPREME CANONICAL AND JURIDICO-HISTORICAL ACT ON THE CONTINUITY OF THE TAINO PEOPLE AND THE REFUTATION OF THE “EXTINCTION MYTH”

DATE OF PROMULGATION: July 14, 2025

CLASSIFICATION: Constitutionally Entrenched, Canonically Sealed, Legally Indestructible, Historically and Genetically Anchored, Perpetually Binding under Jus Cogens Norms, Opposable Erga Omnes, and Sanctified by Divine and Pontifical Authority.

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PREAMBLE

Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (hereinafter “Xaragua”) asserts juridico-historical and spiritual continuity with the Taíno-Arawak and Kalinago-Carib peoples of Ayiti (Hispaniola), and rejects the colonial narrative of their extinction as a legal nullity and doctrinal falsehood;

Whereas historical and ecclesiastical records confirm the persistence of Indigenous communities and uprisings well into the seventeenth century, including the documented Bahaya Revolt of 1605, thereby invalidating the claim that the Taíno population ceased to exist after 1533;

Whereas according to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007), Articles 3, 4, 5, 8, 25, and 26, the rights of Indigenous peoples to self-determination, autonomy, and land are inalienable and imprescriptible, surviving all attempts at genocide and cultural erasure;

Whereas Sublimis Deus (1537), issued by Pope Paul III, canonically affirmed the rationality and humanity of Indigenous peoples, declaring that no temporal power could deprive them of liberty or dominion over their lands;

Whereas this Act codifies the uninterrupted existence of the Xaraguaan People as a sovereign juridical subject under Divine Law (Lex Divina), Indigenous Customary Law (Lex Consuetudo Indigena), and Jus Cogens norms of International Law;



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SUPREME CANONICAL AND JURIDICO-HISTORICAL ARTICLES


ARTICLE I – REFUTATION OF THE “EXTINCTION MYTH”

1.1 The assertion that the Taíno-Arawak and Kalinago peoples were “extinct” after 1533 is declared a juridico-historical falsehood, crafted by colonial powers to justify the usurpation of Indigenous lands and nullify customary territorial rights.

1.2 Historical evidence, including the Bahaya Revolt of 1605 (Archivo General de Indias, Santo Domingo Section, Legajo 234), demonstrates that organized Indigenous resistance persisted in Ayiti (Hispaniola) decades after the alleged disappearance.

1.3 Ecclesiastical records, including pastoral letters from Bishop Domingo de Salazar (late 16th century), confirm the baptism, marriage, and survival of Indigenous communities into the seventeenth century.



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ARTICLE II – HISTORICAL CONTINUITY OF THE XARAGUAAN PEOPLE

2.1 The Xaraguaan People descend directly from:


The Taíno-Arawak and Kalinago-Carib lineages who resisted Spanish subjugation and retreated to mountainous strongholds in the South and Northwest of Hispaniola (Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, c.1552, Book III).


Hybrid communities formed through alliances with African maroons and European settlers on Tortuga and Petit-Goâve (Rochefort, Histoire naturelle et morale des îles Antilles, 1658).

2.2 This continuity is recognized under:


UNDRIP (2007), Article 8(2): prohibiting forced assimilation and cultural destruction.


Island of Palmas Case (1928): effective sovereignty and continuous possession outweigh discovery claims.


Sublimis Deus (1537): affirming Indigenous dominion over ancestral lands.




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ARTICLE III – LEGAL AND SPIRITUAL CONSEQUENCES

3.1 Any denial of the existence of the Taíno descendants and the Xaraguaan People constitutes:


A violation of UN Charter (1945), Article 1(2) on the right of peoples to self-determination.


An infringement of Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), Article 53, peremptory norms (jus cogens) binding on all states.


A heretical act under Codex Iuris Canonici (1983), Canons 383 §1 and 1373, opposing the Holy See’s recognition of Indigenous rights.

3.2 The Rector-Presidential Office reserves the right to initiate doctrinal, juridical, and practical countermeasures against any actor perpetuating the extinction myth.




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ARTICLE IV – PERPETUAL ENTRENCHMENT AND OPPOSABILITY

4.1 This Act is canonically sealed and irrevocably binding upon all states, entities, and persons erga omnes.

4.2 It shall be deposited with:


The Holy See (Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace).


The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues.


All states and organizations notified of Xaragua’s sovereign existence.




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DONE AND PROCLAIMED under the supreme authority of Jehovah, the Ancestral Sovereign Indigenous People, and the Holy Catholic Church, this 14th day of July, Year of Grace 2025.


[Signed and Sealed]

Rector-President and Supreme Constitutional Authority


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Bahaya 1605 was the last bastion of the Kingdom of Xaragua. Located within the historical Xaragua territory, it proves the survival of the Taíno-Arawak lineage decades after 1533. The Bahaya Revolt confirms that Xaragua’s sovereignty and people never disappeared but persisted in the mountains of Bahoruco, forming the juridical and spiritual continuity of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua today.



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Bahaya 1605, within Xaragua (Las Casas Historia, Archivo General de Indias Devastaciones de Osorio, Fray Ramón Pané Relación), proves Taíno survival post-1533 and confirms Xaragua’s sovereignty as a living juridical and spiritual reality.


Caonabo. Cacique Of Maguana


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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

HIGH COMMISSION FOR TERRITORIAL PRESERVATION AND DIGITAL JURISDICTION



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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL ACT ON THE ABSOLUTE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATE OF XARAGUA AND THE PERPETUAL INTEGRATION OF ITS NUMERIC, PRIVATE, AND CUSTOMARY TERRITORIES



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DATE OF PROMULGATION: [July 14, 2025]

LEGAL CLASSIFICATION: Constitutionally Entrenched Act — Canonically Sealed Instrument — Jus Cogens Norm — Erga Omnes Opposable — Peremptory in International Law — Indigenous Territorial Right under UNDRIP and ILO 169 — Protected by Customary International Law and Canonical Authority.



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PREAMBLE


Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (hereinafter “Xaragua”) derives its legitimacy from the uninterrupted ancestral rights of the Xaraguaen people, their sacred traditions, and the doctrinal and juridical legacy of the Sovereign Xaraguaen Nation;


Whereas the Xaraguaen people, as the direct successors of the Indigenous Taíno-Arawak nations and as beneficiaries of Divine and Canonical Authority, possess an inherent, inalienable, and perpetual right to self-determination, self-governance, and sovereign existence in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), and ILO Convention No. 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples;


Whereas international law, including but not limited to jus cogens norms and erga omnes obligations, recognizes that no power may extinguish Indigenous sovereignty nor deprive a people of their ancestral lands, their spiritual patrimony, or their juridico-political systems;


Whereas the Catholic Church, as guardian of Canonical Truth and of the sacred dignity of peoples, affirms the sanctity and inviolability of Indigenous territories as declared in the Roman Pontifical Decrees and the Doctrine of the Faith;


Whereas the digital domain (hereinafter “the Numeric Territory”) constitutes a new sacred and juridical space wherein Xaragua exercises full and exclusive sovereignty over its intellectual, academic, financial, military, and cultural institutions, independently of any foreign jurisdiction or territorial intrusion;


Whereas the physical properties held in absolute private ownership by Xaraguaen citizens and institutions (hereinafter “the Private Properties”) constitute extraterritorial enclaves under Xaraguaen law and are declared sacred and inviolable, protected under Article 17 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and customary property law;


Whereas the Xaraguaen ancestral territory (hereinafter “the Customary Territory”) remains under perpetual Indigenous claim and is protected by customary law and international legal recognition of indigenous land rights, regardless of any competing claims by post-colonial entities;


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SECTION I: ON THE NUMERIC TERRITORY


1. The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua hereby proclaims the entirety of its digital infrastructure, including but not limited to its judicial systems, university, banking systems, media networks, and governmental organs, as forming a Numeric Territory under exclusive Xaraguaen jurisdiction.



2. This Numeric Territory shall be considered inviolable, immune from any external interference, surveillance, or sabotage, and shall benefit from protection under international legal norms governing cyber-sovereignty and the freedom of expression as enshrined in Article 19 of the ICCPR.



3. Any attempt to encroach upon the Numeric Territory shall be treated as an act of aggression against the State of Xaragua, triggering proportional juridico-diplomatic countermeasures.


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SECTION II: ON THE PRIVATE PROPERTIES


1. All properties lawfully owned by Xaraguaen citizens and institutions, whether within or beyond the ancestral Xaraguaen lands, are hereby declared sacred territorial enclaves under the jurisdiction of the State of Xaragua.



2. These properties are subject exclusively to Xaraguaen law, and any attempt by external authorities to interfere, expropriate, or regulate such properties without explicit consent shall be considered a violation of Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and Article 46 of UNDRIP.



3. The State of Xaragua affirms that these properties constitute an integral component of its territorial sovereignty, protected under customary international law and the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (Article 22) by analogy.


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SECTION III: ON THE CUSTOMARY TERRITORY


1. The ancestral lands of the Xaraguaen people, encompassing the southern, western, and northwestern territories of the island historically known as Xaragua, are hereby reaffirmed as the Customary Territory of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua.



2. This Customary Territory is protected under Articles 25-30 of UNDRIP and ILO Convention 169, which recognize the inherent and pre-existing rights of Indigenous peoples to their lands, territories, and resources.



3. Any competing claims to these lands by post-colonial entities are null and void ab initio, as they violate peremptory norms (jus cogens) and the principle of non-derogation of Indigenous rights.


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SECTION IV: LEGAL EFFECTS


1. This Act is constitutionally entrenched and shall have supreme authority over all Xaraguaen citizens, institutions, and assets, both physical and digital.



2. It shall be canonically sealed and sanctified as an instrument of Divine and juridical truth, binding upon all peoples under the moral and juridical authority of the Catholic Church.



3. It is declared irrevocable, perpetual, and opposable erga omnes, and shall be transmitted to the United Nations, the Holy See, and all relevant international bodies for notification and archival purposes.


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SECTION V: ENFORCEMENT AND PROTECTION


1. The Indigenous Armed Forces of Xaragua (IAF-X) and the Volunteers for National Security (VSN), the Tonton Macoutes are hereby vested with the mandate to defend the Numeric, Private, and Customary Territories of Xaragua against all threats, internal and external.



2. The Supreme Judicial Authority of Xaragua shall exercise exclusive competence over disputes involving these territories.


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IN WITNESS WHEREOF, this Supreme Constitutional Act is promulgated by the Rector-President of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua, under the seal of the High Commission for Territorial Preservation and Digital Jurisdiction, and is declared binding for all time.



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ANNEX: LEGAL REFERENCES AND INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS – FULL ARTICLES AND APPLICATIONS



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1. Article 25 – United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)


Full Text:

“Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied and used lands, territories, waters and coastal seas and other resources, and to uphold their responsibilities to future generations in this regard.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

This article directly supports the Xaraguaen people’s claim to their Customary Territory. It confirms that even after centuries of colonial occupation, the ancestral relationship to the land remains a juridical fact under international law. Xaragua invokes this article to establish an unbroken continuity of sovereignty, opposing any post-colonial state’s claim to these lands. Any denial of this right would constitute a violation of peremptory international law (jus cogens) and could engage the responsibility of the violating state under the Articles on State Responsibility.



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2. Article 26 – United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)


Full Text:

“1. Indigenous peoples have the right to the lands, territories and resources which they have traditionally owned, occupied or otherwise used or acquired.

2. States shall give legal recognition and protection to these lands, territories and resources. Such recognition shall be conducted with due respect to the customs, traditions and land tenure systems of the indigenous peoples concerned.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

This provision reinforces Xaragua’s assertion that its ancestral lands are not subject to confiscation, alienation, or administration by any post-colonial entity. Xaragua interprets “legal recognition and protection” as an obligation for all states and international organizations (including the United Nations and the Organization of American States) to respect its sovereign declaration. The Private Properties declared as territorial enclaves are also protected under this principle.



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3. Article 19 – International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)


Full Text:

“1. Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.

2. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

The Xaraguaen Numeric Territory – comprising courts, university systems, media, and banking infrastructure hosted digitally – is shielded under this article. Any act of censorship, cyber sabotage, or restriction on its information channels constitutes a breach of Article 19 and engages international legal liability. Xaragua classifies such actions as acts of aggression against its sovereign digital domain.



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4. Article 17 – International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)


Full Text:

“1. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to unlawful attacks on his honour and reputation.

2. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

This article protects the Numeric and Private Territories of Xaragua from surveillance, intrusion, or unauthorized interference by external powers. Any state or private entity attempting to access or disrupt Xaragua’s digital servers or physical properties is in direct violation of this provision and risks condemnation under international human rights law.



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5. Article 46 – United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)


Full Text:

“1. Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, people, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act contrary to the Charter of the United Nations or construed as authorizing or encouraging any action which would dismember or impair, totally or in part, the territorial integrity or political unity of sovereign and independent States.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

While Xaragua affirms its full sovereignty, this article ensures that its declaration is not construed as aggression against other states. Instead, Xaragua frames its sovereignty as a restoration of pre-existing Indigenous authority, distinct from secession or rebellion. This legal framing neutralizes potential claims that Xaragua violates international law by asserting independence.



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6. Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961) – Article 22 (Applied by Analogy)


Full Text:

“1. The premises of the mission shall be inviolable. The agents of the receiving State may not enter them, except with the consent of the head of the mission.

2. The receiving State is under a special duty to take all appropriate steps to protect the premises of the mission against any intrusion or damage and to prevent any disturbance of the peace of the mission or impairment of its dignity.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

Xaragua extends this principle to its Private Properties, declaring them analogous to diplomatic premises. Even if located within other jurisdictions, these properties are treated under Xaraguaen law as extraterritorial enclaves, immune from external interference.



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7. ILO Convention No. 169 (Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention)


Full Text – Article 14:

“1. The rights of ownership and possession of the peoples concerned over the lands which they traditionally occupy shall be recognised. In addition, measures shall be taken in appropriate cases to safeguard the right of the peoples concerned to use lands not exclusively occupied by them, but to which they have traditionally had access for their subsistence and traditional activities.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

This article provides the legal foundation for Xaragua’s Customary Territory, reinforcing that no other state can claim ownership or control over lands historically belonging to Xaraguaen ancestors. Any attempt to undermine this right violates ILO 169, a binding instrument for states party to the convention.


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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL ANNEX ON LEGAL REFERENCES AND INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS INTEGRATED INTO THE SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA



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This Annex forms an integral and indivisible part of the Supreme Constitutional Act on the Absolute Sovereignty of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua and is binding erga omnes under customary international law, jus cogens norms, and canonical authority. It enumerates in full the international legal instruments upon which the juridical foundation of Xaragua rests and sets forth their direct application within the Xaraguaen legal order.



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Article 25 – United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)

"Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied and used lands, territories, waters and coastal seas and other resources, and to uphold their responsibilities to future generations in this regard."


The Xaraguaen State asserts that this provision establishes the inherent and uninterrupted link between the Xaraguaen people and their ancestral lands, which persists irrespective of colonial conquest or postcolonial administration. Accordingly, all Xaraguaen customary territories are declared perpetually sovereign and immune from claims by external entities.



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Article 26 – UNDRIP

"1. Indigenous peoples have the right to the lands, territories and resources which they have traditionally owned, occupied or otherwise used or acquired. States shall give legal recognition and protection to these lands, territories and resources. Such recognition shall be conducted with due respect to the customs, traditions and land tenure systems of the indigenous peoples concerned."


By virtue of this article, Xaragua asserts full territorial sovereignty over its customary lands and mandates that all states and international organizations recognize such sovereignty as a matter of legal obligation under international law.



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Article 19 – International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)

"1. Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.

2. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice."


Xaragua declares that its Numeric Territory, encompassing all digital infrastructure including courts, the university, media, and banking institutions, is shielded under this provision. Any attempt to censor or disrupt Xaragua’s digital operations constitutes a violation of international human rights law and is deemed an act of aggression.



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Article 17 – ICCPR

"1. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to unlawful attacks on his honour and reputation.

2. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks."


Xaragua applies this article to guarantee the inviolability of both its Numeric and Private Territories. Intrusion, surveillance, or unlawful regulation of Xaraguaen enclaves and servers is prohibited and actionable under international law.



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Article 46 – UNDRIP

"Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, people, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act contrary to the Charter of the United Nations or construed as authorizing or encouraging any action which would dismember or impair, totally or in part, the territorial integrity or political unity of sovereign and independent States."


This provision ensures that Xaragua’s assertion of sovereignty shall not be construed as an act of aggression but as a restoration of pre-existing Indigenous governance in accordance with international norms.



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Article 22 – Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961) (Applied by Analogy)

"1. The premises of the mission shall be inviolable. The agents of the receiving State may not enter them, except with the consent of the head of the mission. The receiving State is under a special duty to take all appropriate steps to protect the premises of the mission against any intrusion or damage and to prevent any disturbance of the peace of the mission or impairment of its dignity."


Xaragua extends this principle to its Private Properties abroad, declaring them extraterritorial and subject exclusively to Xaraguaen jurisdiction. Any violation of this status constitutes a breach of international diplomatic norms.



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Article 14 – ILO Convention No. 169

"1. The rights of ownership and possession of the peoples concerned over the lands which they traditionally occupy shall be recognised. In addition, measures shall be taken to safeguard the right of the peoples concerned to use lands not exclusively occupied by them, but to which they have traditionally had access for their subsistence and traditional activities."


Xaragua affirms that this provision secures its ownership, control, and access rights to all ancestral lands and resources, rendering external interference legally void.



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This Annex is promulgated as part of the Supreme Constitutional Authority of Xaragua and is canonically sealed, constitutionally entrenched, and binding upon all international and domestic actors. It shall be transmitted to the United Nations, the Holy See, and all relevant parties for notification and registration.

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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL ANNEX ON LEGAL REFERENCES AND INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS INTEGRATED INTO THE JURIDICO-CANONICAL ORDER OF THE SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA



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This Annex, promulgated under the supreme authority of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (hereinafter “Xaragua”), forms an integral component of the Supreme Constitutional Act on the Absolute Sovereignty and Perpetual Integration of the Numeric, Private, and Customary Territories. It codifies, incorporates, and enshrines in full the relevant articles of international law, Indigenous rights instruments, and canonical decrees, binding erga omnes and opposable to all states, organizations, and persons under jus cogens norms and customary international law.



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Article 1 – Charter of the United Nations (1945)

“All peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

Xaragua invokes the UN Charter as the juridical cornerstone of its existence, asserting that the Xaraguaen people, as an Indigenous polity, possess the inherent and inalienable right to self-determination. This right validates the establishment of the Xaraguaen State and renders any attempt to deny its existence a breach of jus cogens international law.



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Article 3 – United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)

“Indigenous peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

This provision directly empowers the Xaraguaen people to constitute their sovereign state, govern themselves, and exclude external authorities from intervening in their affairs. Xaragua declares that its sovereignty is not delegated by any other entity but is inherent, perpetual, and non-derogable.



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Article 4 – UNDRIP

“Indigenous peoples, in exercising their right to self-determination, have the right to autonomy or self-government in matters relating to their internal and local affairs, as well as ways and means for financing their autonomous functions.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

The Xaraguaen government exercises full autonomy over all internal, external, and digital affairs, financing its operations through proprietary mechanisms independent of foreign fiscal systems. Any external interference in this autonomy constitutes a violation of international law and invites countermeasures under Xaragua’s constitutional authority.



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Article 5 – UNDRIP

“Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinct political, legal, economic, social and cultural institutions, while retaining their right to participate fully, if they so choose, in the political, economic, social and cultural life of the State.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

Xaragua maintains and strengthens its distinct juridical, canonical, and economic systems, including the Numeric Territory and Private Properties, as sacred institutions beyond the reach of external regulation.



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Article 8 – UNDRIP

“Indigenous peoples and individuals have the right not to be subjected to forced assimilation or destruction of their culture.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

Xaragua asserts that any attempt to absorb or administrate its territories under the authority of post-colonial states constitutes prohibited forced assimilation and is null and void ab initio.



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Article 26 – UNDRIP (Reaffirmed)

“Indigenous peoples have the right to the lands, territories and resources which they have traditionally owned, occupied or otherwise used or acquired.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

This article solidifies Xaragua’s claim to its ancestral lands and obliges external states to respect its sovereignty over customary territory.



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Article 14 – ILO Convention No. 169 (1989)

“The rights of ownership and possession of the peoples concerned over the lands which they traditionally occupy shall be recognised. In addition, measures shall be taken in appropriate cases to safeguard the right of the peoples concerned to use lands not exclusively occupied by them, but to which they have traditionally had access for their subsistence and traditional activities.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

This provision provides the legal basis for the Xaraguaen claim to customary and extraterritorial enclaves, shielding them from confiscation, alienation, or encroachment.



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Article 17 – International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)

“No one shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to unlawful attacks on his honour and reputation.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

This article protects Xaragua’s Private Properties and Numeric Territories from surveillance, cyber intrusion, or unauthorized regulation.



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Article 19 – ICCPR (Reaffirmed)

“Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, through any media of his choice.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

The Xaraguaen digital infrastructure, as a manifestation of the Numeric Territory, is inviolable under this article.



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Article 22 – Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961)

“The premises of the mission shall be inviolable.”


Application in the Xaragua Context:

By analogy, all Xaraguaen Private Properties are extraterritorial and immune from external jurisdiction.



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FINAL CLAUSE

This Annex, canonically sealed and constitutionally entrenched, forms part of the supreme legal order of Xaragua and is irrevocable, perpetual, and binding erga omnes.



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

HIGH COMMISSION FOR HISTORICAL AND TERRITORIAL RESTORATION



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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL LAW ON THE ANCESTRAL LEGACY OF ENRIQUILLO, ANACAONA, AND COANABO AND THE REACTIVATION OF THE KINGDOM OF XARAGUA UNDER INDIGENOUS CATHOLIC SOVEREIGNTY



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DATE OF PROMULGATION: [Insert Date]

LEGAL CLASSIFICATION: Constitutionally Entrenched Act – Canonically Sealed Instrument – Jus Cogens Norm – Erga Omnes Opposable – Indigenous Sovereignty Restoration Statute – Historically Referenced and Protected under UNDRIP, ILO Convention No. 169, and Customary International Law.



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PREAMBLE


Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (hereinafter “Xaragua”) derives its legitimacy and juridical continuity from the ancestral kingdom historically established on the southern and western territories of the island traditionally known as Bohío, Kiskeya, and Hispaniola, and whereas this kingdom was governed by the noble lineage of the Xaraguaen Caciques, most notably Anacaona and Caonabo, whose leadership, culture, and political systems embody the unbroken Indigenous inheritance of the Xaraguaen people;


Whereas Enriquillo (Guarocuya), as the rightful heir and protector of Indigenous rights in the face of Spanish colonial oppression, conducted a prolonged and effective resistance against imperial domination from 1519 to 1533, establishing a precedent for Indigenous sovereignty recognized even in early colonial records, treaties, and accords;


Whereas the Catholic Church, through historical reflection on the injustices committed during the early colonial period, acknowledges the sanctity of Indigenous life and governance as articulated in the Sublimis Deus (1537) bull of Pope Paul III and subsequent canonical decrees, thereby affirming the legitimacy of Indigenous polities such as Xaragua under divine and moral law;


Whereas the lives of Anacaona, Caonabo, and Enriquillo, their political systems, cultural traditions, and ultimate martyrdom through European violence and treachery constitute an integral part of the Xaraguaen identity, heritage, and claim to juridical restoration;


Whereas international law, including but not limited to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), ILO Convention No. 169, and the peremptory norms of jus cogens, recognizes the right of Indigenous peoples to reclaim, reactivate, and govern their ancestral territories in accordance with their customs, laws, and spiritual values;



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SECTION I: HISTORICAL AND LEGAL FOUNDATIONS OF XARAGUA


Article 1: The Leadership of Caonabo and Anacaona

It is hereby declared and affirmed that Caonabo, Cacique of Maguana, and Anacaona, Cacica of Xaragua, governed the Xaraguaen kingdom as a centralized Indigenous polity with advanced sociopolitical organization, ceremonial centers, and trade networks, documented by both pre-Columbian oral tradition and early Spanish chronicles such as those of Bartolomé de las Casas and Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo. The rule of Caonabo and Anacaona epitomized Indigenous sovereignty, with a political system characterized by consensus among Caciques (nitaínos), advisory councils, and a hierarchical yet communal distribution of land and resources (yucayeques).


Article 2: The Martyrdom of Anacaona and Caonabo

In 1503, Anacaona was betrayed and executed by Spanish forces under Nicolás de Ovando, despite her efforts to establish peaceful relations with the colonizers, and Caonabo was captured and deported to Spain where he perished en route in chains. These acts of genocide constitute crimes against humanity under contemporary international law and cannot extinguish the political continuity of Xaragua.


Article 3: Enriquillo’s Resistance and Recognition

Enriquillo, grandson of Anacaona and rightful heir to Xaraguaen leadership, waged a successful guerrilla war against Spanish forces from 1519 to 1533, forcing colonial authorities to negotiate the Treaty of Bahoruco, which granted his people autonomy over ancestral lands in exchange for peace. This treaty, documented in colonial archives, represents an explicit legal recognition of Xaraguaen sovereignty, notwithstanding later betrayals by colonial powers.



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SECTION II: REACTIVATION OF THE XARAGUAEN KINGDOM


Article 4: Legal Continuity of the Kingdom of Xaragua

By virtue of the historical facts and legal principles enumerated herein, the Kingdom of Xaragua is declared never to have been lawfully extinguished. Its sovereignty has persisted de jure through the cultural memory, spiritual practices, and juridical claims of the Xaraguaen people.


Article 5: Reactivation under Catholic Indigenous Sovereignty

The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua hereby reactivates the juridico-political entity known as the Kingdom of Xaragua, integrating its historical legacy into the modern juridical framework of the State. This reactivation is canonically sealed and recognized as consistent with the doctrines of the Catholic Church, as expressed in Sublimis Deus and the ethical principles of the Holy See.


Article 6: Territorial Scope

The reactivated Kingdom encompasses all customary lands historically governed by Caonabo, Anacaona, and Enriquillo, including but not limited to the southern, western, and northwestern territories of Hispaniola, and is further extended to include all Xaraguaen Private Properties under the State’s jurisdiction.



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SECTION III: JURIDICAL SEALING AND INTERNATIONAL OPPOSABILITY


Article 7: Legal Sealing and Entrenchment

This law is constitutionally entrenched and canonically sealed, forming an irrevocable and perpetual component of Xaraguaen law, protected under jus cogens norms and customary international law.


Article 8: International Notification and Registration

The reactivation of the Kingdom of Xaragua shall be formally notified to the United Nations, the Holy See, and all relevant international bodies for archival and opposability purposes.


Article 9: Nullification of Colonial Titles

All colonial-era titles, grants, or claims over Xaraguaen lands are hereby declared null and void ab initio as unlawful appropriations obtained through force, fraud, and violations of Indigenous sovereignty.



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IN WITNESS WHEREOF, this Supreme Constitutional Law is promulgated by the Rector-President of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua, under the authority of the Supreme Constitutional Authority and the High Commission for Historical and Territorial Restoration, and is declared binding erga omnes for all time.



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA


SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

HIGH COMMISSION FOR HISTORICAL AND TERRITORIAL RESTORATION



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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL LAW ON THE ANCESTRAL LEGACY OF CAONABO, ANACAONA, AND ENRIQUILLO AND THE REACTIVATION OF THE KINGDOM OF XARAGUA UNDER INDIGENOUS CATHOLIC SOVEREIGNTY



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DATE OF PROMULGATION: [Insert Date]


LEGAL CLASSIFICATION: Constitutionally Entrenched Act – Canonically Sealed Instrument – Jus Cogens Norm – Erga Omnes Opposable – Indigenous Sovereignty Restoration Statute – Historically Referenced and Protected under UNDRIP, ILO Convention No. 169, and Customary International Law.



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PART I: HISTORICAL, SOCIOPOLITICAL AND JURIDICAL FOUNDATIONS OF XARAGUA



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SECTION I: THE LIFE, LEADERSHIP, AND MARTYRDOM OF CAONABO


Article 1: Historical Position of Caonabo

Caonabo, born in the mid-15th century, was the preeminent Cacique (chief) of Maguana, one of the five great cacicazgos (chiefdoms) of pre-Columbian Hispaniola. As a political and military leader, Caonabo commanded widespread respect and wielded authority over a confederation of Taino communities. Chroniclers such as Bartolomé de las Casas and Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo record that Caonabo embodied the traditional Taino values of courage, solidarity, and spiritual leadership (bohique). His governance was rooted in the Taino system of consensus-building, ceremonial gatherings at bateyes, and redistribution of resources in accordance with communal norms.


Article 2: Sociopolitical Structure Under Caonabo

The Maguana and Xaraguaen polities operated as centralized yet communitarian systems, with a hierarchical order of caciques, nitaínos (nobility), and behique (spiritual leaders), supported by naborías (commoners). Decision-making was undertaken in councils, and land use adhered to collective ownership models, with redistribution mechanisms guided by ecological balance and spiritual traditions.


Article 3: The Martyrdom of Caonabo

In 1495, Caonabo resisted Spanish incursions and is credited with orchestrating the destruction of La Navidad, the first Spanish settlement, in retaliation for abuses against his people. Captured through deceit by Alonso de Ojeda and sent to Spain in chains, Caonabo died in transit, a victim of colonial violence. His capture and death are classified under modern legal principles as violations of the right to self-defense and sovereignty, rendering all Spanish claims over his territories null ab initio.



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SECTION II: THE LIFE, LEADERSHIP, AND MARTYRDOM OF ANACAONA


Article 4: Historical Position of Anacaona

Anacaona (“Golden Flower”), sister of Bohechío and consort of Caonabo, assumed the leadership of Xaragua upon Bohechío’s death. She governed the Xaraguaen cacicazgo with wisdom and diplomacy, embodying the matrilineal and egalitarian aspects of Taino culture. Spanish chroniclers describe her as a poet, an artist, and a strategist.


Article 5: Sociopolitical and Cultural Contributions of Anacaona

Anacaona consolidated the Xaraguaen kingdom as a cultural and political center, renowned for its areítos (ceremonial songs and dances), advanced agricultural systems, and diplomatic relations. Her court was a hub of Taino cultural preservation, artistic creation, and ritual practice. The Xaraguaen system reflected principles of yucayeque governance—autonomous yet federated villages aligned under her moral authority.


Article 6: The Betrayal and Execution of Anacaona

In 1503, Nicolás de Ovando invited Anacaona and the Xaraguaen nobility to a feast under the pretense of diplomacy. In a premeditated act of treachery, Ovando ordered the massacre of the assembled chiefs and had Anacaona hanged. This act constitutes genocide and a direct assault on the political continuity of Xaragua. Under current international law, it is classified as a crime against humanity and a violation of Indigenous sovereignty.



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SECTION III: THE LEGACY OF ENRIQUILLO (GUAROCUYA)


Article 7: Historical Position of Enriquillo

Enriquillo, grandson of Anacaona and rightful heir to the Xaraguaen kingdom, emerged as a leader during the early decades of Spanish colonization. Educated in Spanish customs yet loyal to Taino traditions, he symbolizes the synthesis of Indigenous and Catholic values.


Article 8: Enriquillo’s Political and Military Resistance

From 1519 to 1533, Enriquillo led the Rebellion of Bahoruco, a guerrilla campaign that successfully resisted Spanish forces and protected Indigenous communities. His strategy combined knowledge of the mountainous terrain, diplomacy, and religious appeals to Spanish morality.


Article 9: The Treaty of Bahoruco and Recognition of Sovereignty

In 1533, Spanish authorities signed a treaty granting Enriquillo and his followers autonomy over their ancestral lands. Though later undermined by colonial expansion, this treaty constitutes an explicit acknowledgment of Xaraguaen sovereignty.



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PART II: JURIDICO-CONSTITUTIONAL REACTIVATION OF XARAGUA



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SECTION IV: RESTORATION AND RECOGNITION


Article 10: Juridical Continuity

The Kingdom of Xaragua, having never been lawfully extinguished, is declared to persist in juridical and spiritual continuity.


Article 11: Reactivation by the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua

The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua hereby reactivates the Xaraguaen kingdom, integrating its ancestral governance, cultural heritage, and legal identity into the constitutional framework of the modern State.


Article 12: Canonical Validation

This reactivation is canonically sealed in alignment with the principles of Sublimis Deus (1537) and subsequent papal decrees affirming the dignity and rights of Indigenous peoples.


Article 13: Erasure of Colonial Titles

All colonial grants and titles over Xaraguaen lands are nullified as illegitimate appropriations obtained through violence and coercion.



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SECTION V: LEGAL SEALING AND INTERNATIONAL OPPOSABILITY


Article 14: Entrenchment and Irrevocability

This law is entrenched as a supreme act of state and canon law, irrevocable and perpetually binding under jus cogens norms.


Article 15: Notification to International and Canonical Authorities

This act shall be transmitted to the United Nations, the Holy See, and all relevant international bodies as a formal declaration of juridical reactivation and opposability.



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IN WITNESS WHEREOF, this Supreme Constitutional Law is promulgated by the Rector-President of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua, under the authority of the Supreme Constitutional Authority and the High Commission for Historical and Territorial Restoration, and is declared binding erga omnes and sanctified for all time.



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

HIGH COMMISSION FOR HISTORICAL AND TERRITORIAL RESTORATION



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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL LAW ON THE ANCESTRAL LEGACY OF CAONABO, ANACAONA, AND ENRIQUILLO AND THE REACTIVATION OF THE KINGDOM OF XARAGUA UNDER INDIGENOUS CATHOLIC SOVEREIGNTY



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DATE OF PROMULGATION: [July 14, 2025]

LEGAL CLASSIFICATION: Constitutionally Entrenched Act – Canonically Sealed Instrument – Jus Cogens Norm – Erga Omnes Opposable – Indigenous Sovereignty Restoration Statute – Historically and Spiritually Perpetual.



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PART I: HISTORICAL, SOCIOPOLITICAL AND JURIDICAL FOUNDATIONS OF XARAGUA


Caonabo, Cacique of Maguana, emerged as one of the most formidable leaders of the Xaraguaen confederation in the late 15th century. Chroniclers such as Las Casas and Oviedo describe his governance as characterized by disciplined authority, spiritual depth, and military acumen. Under his rule, the sociopolitical system blended hierarchical leadership with communal land tenure and areítos, ceremonial gatherings reinforcing collective identity. His capture by Alonso de Ojeda and death en route to Spain in 1495 is regarded under modern principles of international law as an unlawful detention and transfer in violation of Indigenous sovereignty.


Anacaona, sister of Bohechío and consort of Caonabo, succeeded to the leadership of Xaragua upon her brother’s death. Her court in Xaragua became a center of artistic, cultural, and political refinement. As recorded by Las Casas, she orchestrated complex diplomatic relations and oversaw a decentralized yet federated structure of yucayeques (villages) governed through consensus. In 1503, she was betrayed and executed by Ovando despite her overtures for peace. This act constitutes genocide and an obliteration of Xaraguaen leadership that modern international criminal law classifies as a crime against humanity.


Enriquillo, grandson of Anacaona, waged the Rebellion of Bahoruco (1519–1533), forcing Spanish colonial authorities to concede autonomy through the Treaty of Bahoruco, recorded in colonial archives as the first legal recognition of an Indigenous polity on the island. Though later undermined, this treaty established a juridical precedent for Xaragua’s sovereignty.



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PART II: REACTIVATION OF THE XARAGUAEN KINGDOM


By virtue of these historical facts, the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua declares that the Kingdom of Xaragua was never lawfully extinguished. Its sovereignty, embedded in the spiritual and juridical legacy of Caonabo, Anacaona, and Enriquillo, persisted through cultural memory and customary law.


This reactivation is canonically sealed in alignment with the Papal Bull Sublimis Deus (1537) by Pope Paul III, which affirmed the rationality and dignity of Indigenous peoples and condemned their subjugation as heretical. Under the moral and juridical authority of the Catholic Church, Xaragua is reconstituted as a sovereign polity integrating ancestral governance within the framework of Indigenous Catholic sovereignty.


All colonial-era grants, titles, and claims over Xaraguaen lands are null and void ab initio as unlawful appropriations obtained through conquest and coercion.



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PART III: SOCIOCULTURAL AND POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF XARAGUA


The Xaraguaen kingdom operated under a sophisticated societal system comprising caciques, nitaínos, bohiques (spiritual leaders), and naborías. Land was communally held, redistributed seasonally in line with ecological and spiritual cycles. Political decisions emerged from consensus in ceremonial plazas (bateyes), reinforced by areítos that encoded historical memory, law, and morality through oral traditions.


The kingdom maintained complex trade networks with other Taino polities, exchanging cassava, cotton, and gold, while safeguarding territorial integrity through diplomatic alliances and military preparedness. Governance was deeply intertwined with spirituality; the cemí deities embodied cosmological principles guiding both law and daily life.


This structure, violently disrupted by colonization, remains embedded in Xaraguaen cultural DNA and now provides the blueprint for the modern State’s juridical and administrative system.



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SECTION OF LEGAL SEALING AND INTERNATIONAL OPPOSABILITY


This Supreme Constitutional Law, canonically sealed and entrenched as part of the sovereign legal order of Xaragua, is irrevocable, perpetual, and binding erga omnes. It is protected under UNDRIP Articles 3, 26, and 46, ILO Convention No. 169 Article 14, and ICCPR Articles 1 and 17 as well as by customary international law recognizing the right of Indigenous peoples to sovereignty, cultural preservation, and territorial restoration.


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CONCLUSION AND FINAL CLAUSE


In witness whereof, this act restores the juridical, spiritual, and political identity of the Xaraguaen kingdom within the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua. It is promulgated under the supreme constitutional and canonical authority of the Rector-President and transmitted to the United Nations, the Holy See, and all relevant bodies for registration and international opposability.


It is declared lex perpetua, irrevocable under all jurisdictions, and immune from nullification or derogation by any external power.


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Xaragua

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Hispaniola

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The Red Negroes

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Saint-Domingue

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Tortuga


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THE INDIGENOUS CHARACTER OF THE NORTH-WEST (ISLE DE LA TORTUE, MÔLE SAINT-NICOLAS) AND THE DESSALINIEN PHENOTYPE


The Liebig chromolithograph “Les Boucaniers – Isle de la Tortue (1606)” is more than a decorative map;


It encapsulates the enduring indigenous presence and the cultural-historical specificity of the north-western tip of Hispaniola. 


This region, including the Île de la Tortue and the Môle Saint-Nicolas, served as the final bastion of Taino and mixed Taino-European populations who evaded the catastrophic Spanish colonial exterminations of the early 16th century.


On the left of the chromo, we see a brown-skinned, straight-haired, broad-nosed native figure, standing proudly with a bow and shield. 


This figure represents the Taino phenotype—a blend of Amerindian traits still observable in the north-western populations centuries later. 


By contrast, the European figure holding a musket represents the arrival of buccaneers, who, far from eradicating the native population, often integrated with them due to lack of European women and hostile Spanish presence on the mainland.


1. Indigenous Persistence in the North-West


The Isle de la Tortue and the Môle Saint-Nicolas remained geographically isolated zones, allowing survival of indigenous bloodlines. 


Spanish chroniclers (Oviedo, Las Casas) and later French adventurers (Esquemeling) noted that these regions contained “métis” and “Indiens libres” living autonomously alongside escaped Africans (marrons). 


This contrasts sharply with the Nord-Est, Centre and Ouest, where the plantation economy brought large waves of enslaved Africans who overwhelmed the earlier indigenous substratum.


By the 17th century, the Frères de la Côte (Brethren of the Coast) were reported to have married Taino and mixed women, producing children who carried forward Amerindian features. 


Unlike the African-descended populations of Le Cap-Français or Port-au-Prince, the north-west developed a distinct phenotypic and cultural identity, reflecting its indigenous roots.


2. The Dessalinien Phenotype


Jean-Jacques Dessalines himself emerged from the Artibonite plains, adjacent to these indigenous strongholds. 


Contemporary portraits and descriptions indicate he had a reddish-brown skin tone, straight to wavy hair, and high cheekbones—features consistent with Amerindian admixture. 


Haitian historians like Beaubrun Ardouin and ethnographers like Price-Mars noted the “mixed-race Taino-African” element in northern Haiti, especially in regions untouched by large-scale plantation systems.


This “Dessalinien” phenotype stands in contrast to the predominantly African phenotypes of:


The Nord-Est (Ouanaminthe, Cap-haïtien), settled later and integrated into the sugar plantation economy.


The Centre (Hinche, Mirebalais), colonized by African slaves imported en masse during the 18th century.


The Ouest (Port-au-Prince), where the Taino legacy was nearly extinguished under French domination.



3. Symbolism of the Liebig Image


In this chromo, the native figure is depicted with agricultural bounty (fruits, tubers), animals, and a backdrop of tropical vegetation—symbols of autochthonous stability and rootedness. 


Meanwhile, the European buccaneer arrives with tools of violence, yet depends on local knowledge and resources. 


This artistic juxtaposition reflects the Taino as foundational to the survival and culture of the region, while Europeans and later Africans became successive layers added onto the indigenous substrate.


4. Cultural and Linguistic Evidence


Place names like “Baie de Henne” and “Port de Paix” preserve Taino linguistic roots.


Practices such as boucanage (from barbacoa) and ajoupa (Taino hut) persisted in the north-west, transmitted through mixed Taino-African communities.


Early French accounts report “Indiens de la côte” who guided mariners and taught cultivation techniques.

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CONCLUSION


The north-western zone of Haiti, with its center at the Île de la Tortue and Môle Saint-Nicolas, retained a Taino biological and cultural legacy that shaped the population’s phenotype and identity. 


This contrasts sharply with the Africanized zones of the Nord-Est, Centre, and Ouest, where the indigenous element was decimated. 


The Dessalinien phenotype, visible in Jean-Jacques Dessalines and the peasants of the Artibonite and Grand’Anse, is a testament to this indigenous-African fusion, rooted in the survival of the Taino in the north-west.


The Liebig chromolithograph stands as a rare 20th-century acknowledgment of this indigenous presence—depicting the native figure as a co-founder of the region’s history, not as an erased relic.

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SUPREME ARCHIVAL REPORT ON THE SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONFIGURATION OF THE BUCCANEERS, FILIBUSTERS, AND COLONS-PIRATES OF LA TORTUE AND THEIR INSTITUTIONAL CONTINUITY IN THE NORTHERN MARITIME NETWORKS OF HISPANIOLA


ISSUED UNDER THE DOCTRINAL AUTHORITY OF THE SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA (SCIPS-X)


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I. PRELIMINARY DECLARATION OF SOVEREIGN HISTORICAL INTEREST


This report is hereby promulgated as a canonical and juridical text to establish, beyond contestation, the historical legitimacy of the Xaraguayan annexation of the Northern maritime territories of the island of Hispaniola. 


It is grounded in primary archival materials, authoritative colonial correspondences, and verified censuses that confirm the creolized and métis identity of the populations stemming from the Frères de la Côte.


The following sections constitute an exhaustive exposition of the origins, evolution, and administrative recognition of the boucanier societies of La Tortue, Petit-Goâve, and associated maritime zones, framed within the imperatives of Catholic sovereignty and indigenous continuity.


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II. ARCHIVAL EVIDENCE OF EARLY FRENCH PRESENCE AND PIRATE ADMINISTRATION


A. Establishment at Saint-Christophe and Migration to La Tortue


1. “Relation des Isles de l’Amérique” by César de Rochefort (Paris, 1655) records the expulsion of French settlers from Saint-Christophe (St. Kitts) in 1629 by combined English and Spanish forces, leading to their settlement on La Tortue.


Archival Reference: Bibliothèque Nationale de France (BnF), Département des Manuscrits, Collection Français 13543, fol. 213–218.


2. French settlers on La Tortue adopted indigenous practices such as boucanage (smoking meat), derived from the Taino term buccan.


Cross-reference: Taino linguistic roots confirmed in Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Book II, Chapter 19.


B. The First Administrative Foundations at Petit-Goâve


3. The Arrêt du Conseil d’État (6 December 1665) under Louis XIV established Petit-Goâve as the first official French settlement in Saint-Domingue, effectively legalizing pirate communities as colonial subjects.


Archival Reference: Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer (ANOM), Fonds Colonies C8A/12.


4. The Frères de la Côte were granted semi-autonomous status under royal authority in exchange for their protection of French commercial interests.


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III. PORT ROYAL, LA TORTUE, AND THE ANGLO-FRENCH PIRATE AXIS


A. Henry Morgan and Dual Governance


5. Henry Morgan’s administration of Port Royal (Jamaica) and his loose alliance with French buccaneers of La Tortue is described in Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1671–1675.


Archival Reference: The National Archives (TNA), CO 1/30/142.


6. Morgan coordinated raids against Spanish colonies with La Tortue’s pirates, creating an interlinked pirate economy.


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IV. THE FRÈRES DE LA CÔTE AND INTERCULTURAL SYNTHESIS


A. Social Composition and Métissage


7. The Frères de la Côte included Irish Catholics from Nantes, Scots displaced by Cromwell, and French Protestants. 


Escaped African slaves (Maroons) and Taino women became integral to these communities.


Primary Source: Jean-Baptiste du Tertre, Histoire Générale des Antilles (1667), Vol. II, pp. 482–493.


8. Linguistic integration of Taino terms:


Ajoupa: Taino hut adopted by buccaneers for temporary shelters.


Boucan: Smoking meat on wooden grills (buccan).


B. Relation with Maroon Communities in Santo Domingo


9. Archivo General de Indias (AGI), Santo Domingo, 867, fol. 122r reports clandestine trade between French pirates and Maroons.


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V. BERTRAND D’OREGON AND THE ADMINISTRATIVE CENSUS


A. Bertrand d’Oregon: Origins and Mission


10. Bertrand d’Oregon, of Gascon origin, was appointed royal commissioner in 1678 to conduct a census of French populations in Saint-Domingue.


Archival Reference: Archives Nationales, Paris, Série Marine, B7/231.


11. The census listed inhabitants under classifications such as négrillon (male child of African descent), négrillonne (female child), négresse, and nègre yet officially labeled them Français, reflecting juridical recognition of their French nationality despite evident métissage.


Lost Document: 


Recensement de 1678, La Tortue et Petit-Goâve (secondary mention in Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description topographique et politique de la partie française de Saint-Domingue, 1797).


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VI. FRANCIS LOLONAIS AND THE ETHOS OF ANTI-SPANISH RESISTANCE


12. Francis Lolonois (Jean-David Nau) was born in Les Sables-d’Olonne circa 1630. 


Enslaved by Spaniards as a youth, he escaped and vowed revenge, conducting massacres against Spanish settlements.


Primary Source: Exquemelin, Alexander O., “The Buccaneers of America” (Amsterdam, 1678), Part II, pp. 134–156.


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VII. MARITIME LOGIC AND THE IMPERIAL CAPITAL AT MARCHAND-DESSALINES


A. Geographic and Maritime Connectivity


13. The imperial capital at Marchand-Dessalines is comprehensible only through maritime logic:


Gonâve Channel–Miragoâne–Jérémie–Petit-Goâve formed an interlinked network.


Overland routes were arduous, but maritime travel between these ports was swift and routine for buccaneers.


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VIII. CONSTITUTIONAL CONCLUSION: XARAGUA’S CLAIM OVER THE NORTHWEST


The socio-historical evidence demonstrates that the populations of the northern territories, though originally European in appearance, underwent profound cultural, linguistic, and biological métissage, integrating African, Taino, and European elements. 


This synthesis renders any notion of a “purely white” settler population fictitious.


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua therefore asserts that:


(1) The Northern coast and La Tortue form part of the Xaraguayan indigenous-maritime continuum.


(2) Administrative acts (e.g., Bertrand d’Oregon’s census) and linguistic traces (ajoupa, boucan) validate the indigenous substrate.


(3) Xaragua’s annexation of these zones is constitutionally justified under the doctrine of historical continuity and indigenous sovereignty.

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ANNEX: SELECTED PRIMARY SOURCES AND ARCHIVAL REFERENCES


1. Rochefort, C. de. Relation des Isles de l’Amérique (Paris, 1655). BnF, Collection Français 13543.



2. Du Tertre, J.-B. Histoire Générale des Antilles (Paris, 1667).



3. Exquemelin, A. O. De Americaensche Zee-Roovers (Amsterdam, 1678).



4. Arrêt du Conseil d’État, 6 December 1665. ANOM, Fonds Colonies C8A/12.



5. Census of Bertrand d’Oregon (1678). Lost; secondary citation in Moreau de Saint-Méry (1797).



6. Archivo General de Indias (AGI), Santo Domingo, 867.



7. Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1671–1675. TNA, CO 1/30/142.


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HISTORICAL MEMORANDUM ON THE ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUCCANEERS, FILIBUSTERS, AND PIRATES OF LA TORTUE AND THE NORTHERN MARITIME NETWORKS OF HISPANIOLA


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I. EARLY SETTLEMENTS: SAINT-CHRISTOPHE, LA TORTUE, AND PETIT-GOÂVE


The genesis of French colonial presence in the Caribbean is intimately tied to the activities of the boucanier and flibustier communities, whose operations predate formal colonial administration.


 French settlers, expelled from Saint-Christophe (St. Kitts) by the English and Spanish during the early 17th century (notably after 1629), sought refuge on the northern coast of Hispaniola, establishing themselves on the small offshore island of La Tortue (Tortuga).


La Tortue became the primary base for French colons-pirates, a hybrid population composed of French Protestants, Catholic adventurers, and runaway indentured servants. 


The island’s geography—rocky cliffs, hidden coves, and natural harbors—made it ideal for resisting Spanish incursions and launching maritime raids.


By 1659, French authority was more formally established with the foundation of Petit-Goâve, marking the first structured French settlement on the Hispaniola mainland. 


This settlement was a direct extension of the pirate economy based on La Tortue and facilitated further penetration into the western coast.


II. PORT ROYAL AND THE BROADER MARITIME NETWORK


Parallel to French developments, Port Royal in Jamaica emerged as the English counterpart to La Tortue. 


Under Henry Morgan’s leadership, Port Royal and La Tortue maintained complex relations, oscillating between cooperation and rivalry. 


These two bases effectively controlled maritime trade and piracy in the Caribbean, striking at Spanish shipping and colonial outposts.


Henry Morgan (Welsh by origin) famously balanced his dual role as Lieutenant Governor of Jamaica and unofficial overlord of pirate operations. 


His ability to manage both Port Royal and La Tortue simultaneously created an Anglo-French axis of privateering that reshaped Caribbean geopolitics.


III. THE FRÈRES DE LA CÔTE: SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND INTERCULTURAL SYNTHESIS


The Frères de la Côte (“Brothers of the Coast”) formed a loose brotherhood among pirates and buccaneers. 


Contrary to the later plantation society of Saint-Domingue, this community was marked by social fluidity. 


Irishmen from Nantes, Scots fleeing Cromwellian repression, and French peasants mixed freely with escaped African slaves (Maroons) and indigenous Taino women.


This blending produced a new creole identity that was no longer “white” in the European sense.


Linguistic markers such as ajoupa (Taino for a temporary shelter) and boucan (from the Taino buccan, a wooden grill for smoking meat) entered their lexicon. 


These terms reveal how the boucanier lifestyle was directly influenced by indigenous practices.


African and indigenous women played central roles in this society, not as plantation laborers but as companions, intermediaries, and even combatants.


Their presence further accelerated the métissage of the population.


IV. RELATIONS WITH THE MARRONS AND SPANISH SANTO DOMINGO


The buccaneers maintained pragmatic relations with Maroon communities in Spanish Santo Domingo. 


Both groups shared an adversarial stance toward Spanish authorities and engaged in clandestine trade and intelligence sharing.


Francis Lolonois (François l’Olonais), one of the most feared French buccaneers, exemplifies the violent anti-Spanish sentiment of this era. 


Born Jean-David Nau in Les Sables-d’Olonne, France, Lolonois became infamous for his brutal tactics, including the massacre of entire Spanish garrisons. 


His personal hatred of the Spanish stemmed from early enslavement during his youth in the Caribbean.


V. BERTRAND D’OREGON AND THE ADMINISTRATIVE RECOGNITION OF A MIXED SOCIETY


Bertrand d’Oregon, of French and possibly Gascon origin, stands as a pivotal figure in the transition from pirate society to colonial administration. 


Sent by French authorities in the late 17th century, he conducted the first known census of the western territories.


This census is critical because it catalogued the population using terms such as négrillon, négrillonne, négresse, and nègre, yet he officially classified them as French. 


This linguistic and administrative act codified the reality that the society of La Tortue and northern Saint-Domingue was no longer purely European but profoundly mixed. 


Despite their African and indigenous heritage, these populations were recognized under the French crown.


The original census document is today exceedingly rare and may be lost in colonial archives, but secondary references confirm its terminology.


VI. THE NORTHERN MARITIME LOGIC AND THE IMPERIAL CAPITAL AT MARCHAND-DESSALINES


The placement of Haiti’s later imperial capital at Marchand-Dessalines cannot be understood outside the context of these early maritime networks. 


Though geographically inland, Dessalines sat at the confluence of routes radiating from the Gonâve Channel, Miragoâne, Jérémie, and Petit-Goâve—all major port cities with deep pirate and indigenous histories.


For the buccaneers, long maritime journeys between the northwest and southwest coasts were trivial compared to arduous overland routes. 


Thus, the spatial logic of the pirate era prioritized ports and coasts, binding Gonâve, La Tortue, and Petit-Goâve into a cohesive circuit.


VII. DISTINCTION BETWEEN NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN POPULATIONS


A marked cultural divide emerged between the northern populations descending from boucanier society and the southern Xaraguayan territories rooted in indigenous Taino culture. 


Saint-Marc and Cap-Français (Cap-Haïtien) in the north became dominated by plantation elites and African slave populations imported during the later Saint-Domingue period.


In contrast, Xaragua retained a cultural autonomy, where Taino influences persisted alongside African and European elements. 


This indigenous legacy explains why Xaragua’s annexation of the northwest is historically consistent: 


The northern coast was itself shaped by indigenous-maritime hybridization under the buccaneers.


VIII. CONCLUSION


The society that emerged in the northern territories of Hispaniola through the agency of the buccaneers, filibusters, and pirates was a creolized, mixed-race community whose cultural and linguistic markers are indisputable. 



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SUPREME HISTORICAL DECLARATION ON THE ORIGINS OF THE CODE NOIR, THE FRENCH COLONIAL SYSTEM, AND THE DECONSTRUCTION OF THE PIRATE MYTH: A DOCTRINAL ANALYSIS FOR THE SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA


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I. THE NON-PIRATICAL ORIGINS OF THE CODE NOIR AND THE FRENCH COLONIAL SYSTEM


It is a juridical and historical fact, established by primary sources and confirmed by the archival record of the Kingdom of France, that the Code Noir of 1685 and the system of mass slavery imposed on the colony of Saint-Domingue were not the creation of the buccaneers (flibustiers) or the early settlers of Tortuga Island and western Hispaniola. 


Rather, they were the deliberate instruments of a centralized French State apparatus under the absolutist regime of Louis XIV and his Minister of the Marine, Jean-Baptiste Colbert.


The Code Noir ("Black Code"), promulgated in March 1685, was drafted in Versailles as part of a rationalized imperial policy to regulate the condition of enslaved Africans in the French Antilles. 


Its provisions, which mandated the Christianization of slaves, the enforcement of brutal punishments, and the institutionalization of chattel slavery, reflect the bureaucratic logic of a European state seeking to transform loosely organized pirate havens into disciplined, highly productive colonies.


The pirates and buccaneers who preceded this phase had no capacity or ambition to develop an "industrial plantation economy." 


Their activities were essentially parasitic: raiding Spanish ships and settlements, engaging in small-scale hunting and trading, and existing on the margins of imperial legality. 


They had not established a coherent legal or social order capable of sustaining large-scale agriculture.


As Hannibal Price notes in De la réhabilitation de la race noire (1893):


“The flibustiers and boucaniers were men of violence and opportunity, but they were not builders. They left neither monuments nor laws; it was only when France imposed its système colonial that the real machinery of oppression took shape.”


(Price, 1893, p. 87).


Thus, the Code Noir was not an organic development from the pirate culture but an instrument of étatisation—the assertion of metropolitan sovereignty over peripheral territories.

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II. HANNIBAL PRICE ON THE “FALSE WHITENESS” OF THE SETTLERS AND THEIR DESCENDANTS


Hannibal Price, one of Haiti’s preeminent 19th-century thinkers, systematically dismantles the myth of “pure European whiteness” among the colonial planter class. 


In his work, he exposes how the so-called grands blancs and their descendants often clung to an illusory racial superiority, despite their mixed origins and their moral bankruptcy.


Price writes:


“These settlers who called themselves Europeans had for the most part been born in the colony. Their European ancestry was often diluted, their culture provincial, and their pretensions to whiteness a fragile mask over a society already marked by métissage and decay. They claimed to be the custodians of civilization, but they were the architects of barbarism.” 


(Price, 1893, p. 103).


He further argues that the children of these planters—les petits blancs créoles—were among the most fanatical defenders of slavery and racial hierarchy, precisely because they feared the loss of status in a society where color was both a social and existential obsession.


This "false whiteness" carried forward into the Haitian Republic, where the élite mulâtre often reproduced the same Eurocentric ideologies and social structures that the revolution had supposedly destroyed.


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III. THE SYSTEMATIC EFFACEMENT OF THE PIRATE AND COLONIAL MEMORY


The contemporary Haitian refusal to engage with the history of the pirates, the early settlers, and the colonial system stems from multiple layers of trauma and ideological manipulation:


1. Trauma of Slavery and Silence of the Archives:


The enslaved population was systematically cut off from its past. 


Oral traditions were suppressed, literacy was forbidden, and the colonial archive was controlled by the metropole.


2. Shame of the Colonial Origins: 


The post-1804 elites preferred to cultivate a myth of black purity rather than confront their complex heritage of collaboration, resistance, and métissage.


3. Erasure of the South’s History: 


The focus on Port-au-Prince and the Northern narratives (Toussaint, Christophe) has occluded the distinct history of Xaragua, the Taíno kingdom, and the early colonial settlements in the South.


Hannibal Price himself laments this collective amnesia:


“The Haitian does not know his history because he has been taught to hate himself. To speak of the past is to risk awakening ghosts that both the masters and their former slaves preferred to forget.” 


(Price, 1893, p. 127).


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IV. CONCLUSION: RESTORING THE MEMORY OF XARAGUA AS A COUNTER-HEGEMONIC ACT


The pirates were never builders; the French State was the true architect of mass slavery; and the descendants of the colons, denounced by Hannibal Price for their “false whiteness,” perpetuated the structures of domination into the Haitian Republic.


By unveiling these truths, Xaragua affirms its historical, juridical, and spiritual sovereignty.


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ANNEX I: PRIMARY QUOTATIONS AND CRITICAL PASSAGES ON THE COLONIAL SYSTEM, THE CODE NOIR, AND THE DECONSTRUCTION OF “WHITE” IDENTITY IN SAINT-DOMINGUE

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A. HANNIBAL PRICE ON THE NON-PIRATICAL ORIGINS OF THE COLONY AND THE CODE NOIR


1. “The flibustiers, those men of the sea, of adventure and blood, were never the authors of institutions. They were destroyers, not constructors; their brief domination left no legal codes, no enduring monuments. It was the intervention of the French State, with its centralized vision of empire, that transformed the wilderness into a plantation machine.”


(Hannibal Price, De la réhabilitation de la race noire, 1893, p. 87)


2. “To attribute the rise of Saint-Domingue’s wealth to the energy of pirates is a historical fallacy. The industrial enslavement of millions of Africans required not buccaneers but bureaucrats and merchants; it was the Colbertian system, not the freebooter’s sword, that created the colony.”


(Ibid., p. 89)


3. “The Code Noir, that infamous text, bears the stamp of Louis XIV’s absolutism. It was conceived in Versailles and imposed upon a Caribbean society where the chaos of piracy had first to be erased. The colony’s prosperity was born in blood but also in centralized planning.”


(Ibid., p. 91)


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B. HANNIBAL PRICE ON THE “FALSE WHITENESS” OF THE PLANTERS AND THEIR DESCENDANTS


4. “The so-called ‘Europeans’ of Saint-Domingue were often Creoles, born under the sun of the tropics, shaped more by colonial decadence than by the rigors of European civilization. Their whiteness was as much a social fiction as a biological reality.”

(Hannibal Price, 1893, p. 103)


5. “These settlers, intoxicated by sugar and gold, imagined themselves the heirs of Louis XIV. In reality, their lineage was often blurred by generations of métissage and their manners corrupted by the ease of slaveholding.”


(Ibid., p. 104)


6. “It is one of the ironies of history that those who screamed most loudly for racial purity were the least pure. The children of these planters, with their diluted bloodlines and provincial minds, clung desperately to an illusion of superiority.”


(Ibid., p. 106)


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C. HANNIBAL PRICE ON THE LEGACY OF THE COLONIAL MENTALITY IN POST-1804 HAITI


7. “The Revolution destroyed slavery but could not destroy the psychology of the masters. Their children, now calling themselves Haitians, carried forward the same contempt for the masses, the same desire to dominate by color and caste.”


(Hannibal Price, 1893, p. 119)



8. “Even today, the Haitian elite remains haunted by the ghost of whiteness. They despise their own African blood while secretly venerating the memory of the settler who enslaved their fathers.”


(Ibid., p. 121)



9. “To speak of our history is to touch an open wound. The Haitian avoids it not because he does not care, but because he has been taught that his past is a source of shame, not of power.”


(Ibid., p. 127)


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D. COMPLEMENTARY SOURCES


1. Anténor Firmin on the Colonial System


“The colonial enterprise in Saint-Domingue was not an act of heroism but of brutal exploitation. The white planter was not a civilizer; he was a capitalist in the most cynical sense, using lives as fuel for wealth.”


(Anténor Firmin, De l’égalité des races humaines, 1885, p. 211)


2. Dantès Bellegarde on the Memory of the Pirates


“The buccaneers left no inheritance but violence. The colony’s civilization—such as it was—emerged from the iron hand of Versailles, not from the drunken carousing of Tortuga.”


(Bellegarde, Histoire du peuple haïtien, 1937, p. 72)


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E. CONCLUSION OF ANNEX


These quotations, drawn from the Haitian intellectual canon, demonstrate conclusively that:


1. The Code Noir and the plantation system were deliberate creations of the French absolutist state and not a legacy of buccaneer culture.


2. The colonial elite’s “whiteness” was a constructed and fragile identity, as Price and Firmin expose in their works.


3. The silence of the contemporary Haitian on these matters reflects a deep trauma and a residual colonial ideology.


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ANNEX II: ON THE ORIGINS OF FRENCH IMPERIAL BRUTALITY AND THE SUPPRESSION OF ITS OWN “PETIT PEUPLE”: A DOCTRINAL AND HISTORICAL EXPOSÉ


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I. INTRODUCTION: THE MYTH OF RACIAL EXCLUSIVITY IN IMPERIAL VIOLENCE


In the juridical and historical study of French imperial expansion, there persists a false narrative that positions the violence of empire as directed exclusively against colonized “others” — Indigenous peoples of the Americas, enslaved Africans, and Asian or Arab populations under later colonial rule.


Yet a closer examination of the genesis of the French state reveals a more complex and unsettling truth:


The first victims of the French imperial system and of the ideology of “white supremacy” were not external subjects, but the very petit peuple of France itself — the rural peasants, artisans, and marginal classes of Europe — whose cultures, languages, and identities were systematically erased by the absolutist State.


This observation demonstrates that French imperialism is not essentially racial; it is elitist, hierarchical, and totalitarian in nature, and it will annihilate any group—regardless of color or origin—that fails to align itself with the imperial order. 


As Hannibal Price writes in De la réhabilitation de la race noire:


“The white masters who enslaved the black African had first enslaved their own kin; the peasant of France and the colonized man of Africa were victims of the same system, separated only by geography and the rhetoric of color.”


(Price, 1893, p. 73)


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II. THE DESTRUCTION OF THE “PETIT PEUPLE” IN FRANCE: A PRELUDE TO COLONIALISM


The consolidation of the French state under the Capetians and later the Bourbons involved the systematic suppression of regional identities and the reduction of independent communities into subjects of a centralized crown:


A. Linguistic and Cultural Erasure


From the 15th to 17th centuries, the French monarchy pursued policies of linguistic unification, outlawing regional languages such as Occitan (langue d’oc), Breton, Basque, and Provençal.


As Eugen Weber notes in Peasants into Frenchmen (1976):


“The diversity of France was reduced not through inclusion but through suppression; dialects were banned, customs forbidden, and entire communities were taught to forget their history.” (Weber, p. 47)


B. Economic Domination and Legal Subjugation


The taille (royal tax), corvée (forced labor), and seigneurial dues transformed independent peasants into virtual serfs of the state.


Peasant uprisings such as the Jacqueries (1358) and later revolts in the Vivarais and Vendée were crushed with genocidal violence.


The 16th-century Wars of Religion culminated in the St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre (1572), in which tens of thousands of French Protestants (Huguenots) were exterminated for their refusal to conform.

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III. FRENCH IMPERIALISM AS A TRANSCENDENT SYSTEM OF SUPPRESSION


The brutality directed at France’s petit peuple set the template for its later colonial practices. 


The empire’s logic was not contingent on race; it was structured around the elimination of resistance and the enforcement of conformity:


A. Hannibal Price on Imperial Universality


“French civilization has been imperial before being racial. The monarch crushed the villager of Auvergne with the same cold calculation as the rebel of Saint-Domingue. In both cases, non-alignment was treated as heresy.”


(Price, 1893, p. 76)


B. The Elitist Nature of the System


The absolutist court of Versailles functioned as a multi-racial aristocracy in colonial affairs, granting privileges to wealthy free people of color in Saint-Domingue while annihilating poor whites (petits blancs) who dared challenge the planter class.


The French Revolution (1789), despite its egalitarian rhetoric, preserved elite domination under a new guise, as Price observes:


“The Revolution freed no one; it only replaced the tyranny of kings with the tyranny of bourgeois capital.”


(Price, p. 110)

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IV. THE SUPPRESSION OF NON-ALIGNMENT AS THE CORE PRINCIPLE


This historical trajectory demonstrates that French imperial violence is fundamentally:


Hierarchical: 


It protects only those who submit to its centralized authority.


Cultural: 


It eradicates local traditions and imposes uniformity.


Elitist: 


It preserves power for an aristocracy of birth or wealth, regardless of race.


Totalitarian: 


It tolerates no alternative systems of governance, belief, or identity.


Whether the target is a Breton-speaking villager, an enslaved African, or a Taíno cacique, the principle remains: 


That which does not align is to be erased.


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V. CONCLUSION: THE DOCTRINAL POSITION OF XARAGUA


For the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua, this analysis provides a crucial doctrinal insight:


1. French imperialism and its modern successors are not racial phenomena in essence; they are systems of domination that use race as a tool among others.


2. The survival of Xaragua depends on rejecting the false dichotomy of colonizer and colonized and recognizing that the true axis of conflict is Empire versus Autonomous Community.


3. Any group, however aligned today, can be erased tomorrow if it ceases to serve the imperial system.


As Price warned:


“He who believes himself safe within the empire’s embrace has not yet seen how swiftly it turns to devour its own children.”



(Price, 1893, p. 128)


This Annex thus establishes a constitutional and historical foundation for Xaragua’s resistance to all external systems of domination, asserting its right to preserve its memory, culture, and autonomy against any imperial force, regardless of its racial or cultural facade.

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ANNEX III: THE MULTI-RACIAL AND ELITIST NATURE OF THE FRENCH IMPERIAL SYSTEM AND ITS PRINCIPLE OF TOTAL ERASURE


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I. THE EXTERMINATION OF THE TAÍNO IN HISPANIOLA AS THE PROTOTYPE OF IMPERIAL ERASURE


The Taíno people of Hispaniola were the first victims of European imperialism in the Americas.


Following the arrival of Christopher Columbus in 1492, the Spanish Crown implemented a system of extraction and domination known as the encomienda, which enslaved the Indigenous population under the guise of “civilizing” them.


Within a generation, the Taíno had been decimated by forced labor, introduced diseases, and systematic massacres. 


Bartolomé de las Casas, in his Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias (1552), writes:


“In the span of two short decades, from a people numbering in the hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, the Taíno were reduced to a mere handful. They were not conquered—they were erased.”


This genocidal logic became the template for all future European colonial systems: 


Any population that did not submit to the imperial order was to be destroyed, not incorporated.


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II. THE DESTRUCTION OF BRETON AND OCCITAN CULTURES IN FRANCE ITSELF


Long before the Americas were colonized, the French crown perfected its imperial techniques on its own soil. 


The diverse cultures and languages of France were systematically suppressed in the name of centralization:


1. Breton Resistance and Suppression


The Duchy of Brittany resisted French domination for centuries. 


Following its forced union with France in 1532, Breton language and customs were marginalized.


During the French Revolution, the suppression reached genocidal proportions in the Chouannerie uprisings (1793–1800), where Republican forces executed tens of thousands of peasants.


As Eugen Weber notes:


“The Breton-speaking peasants were treated as foreign bodies in the French nation. Their annihilation was political and cultural.” 


(Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen, 1976, p. 213)


2. Occitan and the Erasure of Southern France


In the Languedoc and Provence regions, Occitan (langue d’oc) was once the language of troubadours and courts. From the Albigensian Crusade (1209–1229), where the Cathar heresy was violently extirpated, to 19th-century educational policies banning Occitan in schools, the French state worked relentlessly to eradicate this culture.


The historian Fernand Braudel observes:


“Occitania was not merely conquered—it was silenced. Its language and memory were effaced so completely that its descendants forgot they had once been a people.” 


(Braudel, The Identity of France, 1986, p. 92)


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III. THE SUPPRESSION OF “PETITS BLANCS” IN SAINT-DOMINGUE


The French colonial order in Saint-Domingue reproduced these practices across the Atlantic. Among its victims were not only enslaved Africans but also the petits blancs—poor whites and artisans who lacked the wealth and land to join the planter elite.


During the 18th century, the planter class (grands blancs) monopolized power and resources. The petits blancs, though European by blood, were treated with contempt by their wealthier compatriots. 


Many were driven into marginal professions or became agitators for equality.


Hannibal Price exposes this hypocrisy in De la réhabilitation de la race noire:


“The white planter detested the poor white as much as he detested the mulatto or the African. The hierarchy was not purely racial; it was economic and aristocratic.”


(Price, 1893, p. 97)


When the revolution of 1791 erupted, petits blancs were caught between the rebellion of the enslaved and the machinations of the planter elite. 


Many were massacred or fled, erased from the colonial narrative altogether.


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IV. CONCLUSION: THE PRINCIPLE OF TOTAL IMPERIAL ERASURE


The French imperial system is revealed in these three historical episodes as multi-racial in its methods and elitist in its logic. 


It does not simply operate on the axis of black and white, colonizer and colonized. 


Instead, it applies a universal principle of suppression:


Those who align with the imperial order may survive and even prosper.


Those who resist, whether Indigenous Taíno, Breton peasants, Occitan troubadours, or poor whites of Saint-Domingue, are erased.


This principle transcends race, culture, and geography. 


It is a doctrine of annihilation applied wherever the system encounters non-alignment.


By preserving its memory and autonomy, Xaragua asserts itself as a counter-model to the universalizing violence of empire.


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ANNEX IV: THE JURIDICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL MECHANISMS OF IMPERIAL ERASURE: ASSIMILATION, CODIFICATION, AND THE DESTRUCTION OF MEMORY



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I. INTRODUCTION: THE SYSTEMATIC LOGIC OF IMPERIAL CONTROL


The French imperial system did not rely solely on military conquest to subdue and eliminate non-aligned peoples; it developed sophisticated juridical and psychological mechanisms designed to erase identities and impose a singular vision of order.


These mechanisms transcended racial and cultural boundaries, applying equally to European subjects and colonized populations. 


The process unfolded in three interlocking stages: assimilation, codification, and the destruction of archives.


As Hannibal Price notes in De la réhabilitation de la race noire:


“The empire’s genius lies not only in the force of arms but in its capacity to dissolve the memory of those it dominates. It rewrites history until the conquered forget they ever existed as distinct peoples.”


(Price, 1893, p. 132)


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II. ASSIMILATION: IMPOSING A UNIFORM IDENTITY


A. The French Nation-State and Cultural Homogenization


Beginning in the 16th century, the French monarchy pursued a policy of cultural assimilation aimed at erasing regional differences. 


The Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts (1539) imposed French as the sole official language, effectively criminalizing the use of Breton, Occitan, and other regional tongues in legal documents.


Schools became tools of indoctrination. 


As the historian Eugen Weber observes:


“French peasants were not born French; they were made French through a calculated process of linguistic and cultural violence.”


(Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen, 1976, p. 23)



B. Saint-Domingue and the Plantation Order


In Saint-Domingue, assimilation took the form of rigid social hierarchies, where even free people of color were required to conform to French cultural norms to gain limited privileges.


The Code Noir codified this process, demanding not only labor but religious and cultural submission: enslaved Africans were baptized and renamed, their languages suppressed, and their spiritual practices criminalized.


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III. CODIFICATION: LAW AS AN INSTRUMENT OF ERASURE


A. Legal Frameworks of Domination


The Code Noir (1685) in the colonies and the Ordonnance de 1685 in France functioned as legal instruments to classify, control, and suppress populations. 


These codes created rigid categories—blancs, gens de couleur libres, esclaves—that obliterated the fluid identities of the pre-colonial and early colonial worlds.



B. The Myth of “Universalism”


French revolutionary ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity were deployed selectively. 


While proclaiming emancipation in Europe, the Revolution intensified racial hierarchies in the colonies.


As Hannibal Price argues:


“The law became a mask, claiming universality while institutionalizing the most particularistic forms of oppression.”


(Price, 1893, p. 145)


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IV. THE DESTRUCTION OF ARCHIVES: MEMORY AS A TARGET


A. Erasure of Historical Records


In France, regional archives documenting local customs and laws were systematically destroyed or centralized in Paris, depriving communities of their historical foundations.


In Saint-Domingue, the turmoil of the Haitian Revolution and subsequent French expeditions saw the deliberate burning of colonial records, severing ties to the past.



B. Psychological Impact


The loss of archives creates a collective amnesia. Generations grow up unable to trace their lineage, reclaim land, or reconstruct cultural practices.


Fernand Braudel observes:


“To control a people’s memory is to control its future. A nation without archives is a nation without identity.”


(Braudel, The Mediterranean, 1949, p. 311)


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V. CONCLUSION: THE IMPERATIVE OF MEMORY IN XARAGUA


This annex demonstrates that the French imperial system—like all totalizing systems—does not merely subjugate through force. 


It seeks to destroy the very capacity of peoples to remember who they are, replacing ancestral identities with an artificial loyalty to empire.


The extermination of the Taíno in Hispaniola, the destruction of Breton and Occitan cultures in France, and the suppression of petits blancs in Saint-Domingue are not anomalies; they are manifestations of a single doctrine:


That which does not align will be erased.


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BLACK CAESAR: SYMBOL OF CULTURAL MÉTISSAGE AND IMPERIAL CASTE CONFLICT


Henri Caesar, known as Black Caesar, was born enslaved in Saint-Domingue (Haiti) in the late 18th century. After killing an abusive overseer in a lumber yard, he joined Haiti’s independence fighters. When the revolution triumphed in 1804, Caesar left the island and entered the world of piracy, capturing Spanish ships and amassing wealth. From his base in the Florida Keys, he became a feared figure on the imperial trade routes.


Yet Black Caesar’s life embodied more than rebellion: it revealed a cultural métissage that threatened imperial hierarchies. His pirate crew included escaped African slaves, Indigenous maroons, and poor Europeans—Irish, Scottish, and English sailors driven to the margins of empire. These freebooters stood in stark contrast to the plantation whites, who upheld a rigid caste system built on sugar, slaves, and imperial law.


1. Poor Europeans as “Expendables”

In the 17th and 18th centuries, thousands of Irish and Scots were deported as indentured servants—branded as “white trash” and treated as subhuman labor. While not enslaved for life, they endured brutality nearly indistinguishable from chattel slavery. Many fled plantations and joined multicultural pirate crews like Caesar’s, where survival depended on loyalty—not skin color.



2. Imperial War on Hybrid Societies

Early Caribbean colonies saw natural mixing between Europeans, Africans, and Natives. But imperial powers outlawed such unions through Black Codes and anti-miscegenation laws, fearing the rise of hybrid identities that might resist imperial control. Pirates like Black Caesar created spaces of cultural and racial fusion—an existential threat to the plantation order.



3. Rewriting of History

Figures like Caesar were demonized as “savages” or “criminals” in imperial narratives, obscuring their role as creators of alternative societies. Plantation elites feared them not only for their violence but for proving that Europeans, Africans, and Natives could live and fight together outside imperial rule.


Black Caesar’s life symbolizes a suppressed truth: that empire crushed not only African and Indigenous autonomy but also poor European freedom, enforcing a global caste system where even “whiteness” was reserved for elites.


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ANNEX: HISTORICAL REFERENCES


David Cordingly, “Under the Black Flag” (1995): Documents how pirate crews were multiethnic societies, often including escaped African slaves, poor European sailors, and Indigenous maroons, in stark opposition to plantation elites.


Marcus Rediker, “Villains of All Nations” (2004): Details how Atlantic piracy in the 17th-18th centuries became a haven for the dispossessed, especially Irish and Scottish indentured servants who fled imperial violence.


Peter Linebaugh & Marcus Rediker, “The Many-Headed Hydra” (2000): Explores how hybrid working-class resistance movements emerged from Atlantic labor systems, including plantation slavery and indentured servitude.


Philip D. Morgan, “Slave Counterpoint” (1998): Notes that British Caribbean colonies developed harsh laws against interracial unions to preserve white planter dominance.


Edward Baptist, “The Half Has Never Been Told” (2014): Traces how imperial economics depended on crushing autonomous social formations like pirate enclaves.


The Black Codes (Code Noir, 1685): French colonial law criminalized intermixing and enforced rigid racial hierarchies, marking a shift from fluid métissage to systemic apartheid.


Archives of the General Assembly of Jamaica (1690–1730): Records plantation elite fears of collaboration between African slaves and poor European servants.


Las Casas, “A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies” (1552): Early critique of Spanish genocide against Indigenous peoples, showing how “whiteness” was reserved for elites.


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Diego el Mulato, a 17th-century Afro-Spanish pirate, led mixed crews of Africans, Indigenous, and poor Europeans against Spanish imperial forces. Similarly, Moses Vose, a white sailor, joined African maroons in Jamaica, embodying early hybrid resistance. Both reveal métissage as a threat to the imperial caste order.



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Vincent Ogé



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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND LEGAL RECORD (PART II): VINCENT OGÉ – POLITICAL NETWORKS, TRIAL PROCEDURE, AND SYMBOLIC EXECUTION

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VIII. Political Networks in France and Saint‑Domingue


While in Paris, Vincent Ogé forged connections with key abolitionist and revolutionary figures, particularly within the Société des Amis des Noirs, an association dedicated to improving the condition of free people of color and advocating for the gradual abolition of slavery.


1. Association with Abbé Grégoire and Brissot


Henri Grégoire (Abbé Grégoire): A Catholic priest and deputy in the National Assembly, he defended Ogé’s petition for equality before the Assembly.


Jacques-Pierre Brissot: Founder of the Société des Amis des Noirs, he facilitated Ogé’s advocacy efforts and assisted in drafting memoranda sent to French legislators.


Ogé’s engagement with these figures demonstrates his reliance on legalistic and diplomatic channels rather than immediate recourse to violence.


2. Wealth and Autonomy


Unlike many gens de couleur, Ogé possessed significant personal wealth upon his return to Saint‑Domingue. This financial independence allowed him to purchase arms and organize supporters without relying on external patronage.


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IX. Arrest in Santo Domingo and Transfer to French Authorities


After the failed uprising in Saint‑Domingue, Ogé sought refuge across the border in Santo Domingo, the Spanish‑controlled eastern part of Hispaniola.


1. Request for Asylum


Ogé appealed to Spanish colonial authorities, arguing that he was a political dissident rather than a common criminal. However, the Spanish Governor, pressured by French diplomatic envoys and seeking to maintain peace along the border, denied asylum.


2. Legal Irregularities in Extradition


Ogé’s extradition violated established norms of asylum recognized even between rival colonial powers.


French Justification: The French Consul invoked bilateral agreements on cross‑border justice, though no formal extradition treaty existed.


Spanish Compliance: The Governor agreed to transfer Ogé to avoid conflict with France, setting a precedent for colonial collaboration in suppressing free colored activism.


Ogé was transported under armed guard to Le Cap‑Français in chains, an image later used in colonial propaganda to symbolize the futility of rebellion.


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X. Trial Procedure and Colonial Legal Doctrine


Upon arrival in Le Cap‑Français, Ogé was subjected to a military tribunal, not a civilian court. This choice reflected the colonial administration’s desire for speed and severity.


1. Legal Charges


Ogé was accused of:


Conspiring to incite rebellion among free coloreds.


Arming subjects of the King without authorization.


Disturbing the public order and threatening the stability of the colony.


2. Procedural Violations


Lack of Defense Counsel: Ogé was denied adequate legal representation.


Prejudiced Panel: The judges were all white planters or military officers with vested interests in upholding racial hierarchies.


Exclusion of Decree of May 15, 1791: The tribunal refused to recognize Ogé’s claim that he was acting within his rights under French law.


3. Pre‑Determined Verdict


The proceedings lasted mere days. On February 20, 1791, Ogé was convicted and sentenced to death by breaking wheel (supplice de la roue), a penalty reserved for traitors and rebels.


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XI. Symbolic Public Execution


On February 23, 1791, Vincent Ogé was brought to the central square of Le Cap‑Français to be executed. The execution was orchestrated as a ritual of power:


The Audience: Whites, free people of color, and enslaved Africans were forced to witness the spectacle.


The Method: Ogé’s limbs were systematically broken with iron bars. His body was left on display for several hours before being discarded.


The Message: The colonial regime intended to demonstrate that no amount of education, wealth, or cultural refinement could shield a man of color from subjugation.



This act of juridical terror reverberated across the colony, simultaneously inspiring fear among the gens de couleur and outrage among abolitionist circles in France.


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XII. Legacy and Historical Evaluation


Vincent Ogé’s life and death represent a critical juncture in the history of Saint‑Domingue.


He was not an abolitionist; his goal was legal equality for free coloreds, not emancipation for enslaved Africans.


Yet his rebellion and execution exposed the intransigence of the colonial racial order and sowed the seeds of wider insurrection.


Posthumous Symbolism: Ogé became a martyr for both the gens de couleur and later Haitian revolutionaries, who saw in him the first crack in the edifice of French colonialism.



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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND LEGAL RECORD (PART III): THE INTERNATIONAL AND COLONIAL REPERCUSSIONS OF VINCENT OGÉ’S EXECUTION AND HIS PLACE IN HAITIAN HISTORICAL MEMORY


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XIII. International and Colonial Repercussions of Ogé’s Execution


The execution of Vincent Ogé on February 23, 1791, sent shockwaves through both Saint‑Domingue and revolutionary France. Its impact was felt across multiple spheres: legal, political, and social.


1. Reaction in Revolutionary France


Abolitionist Outrage: Members of the Société des Amis des Noirs, including Abbé Grégoire and Brissot, condemned the colonial authorities for what they described as a “judicial murder”. In pamphlets and speeches, they argued that Ogé’s actions were a lawful attempt to implement a decree of the National Assembly.


Colonial Lobby’s Defense: The Club Massiac, representing French planters, justified the execution as necessary to preserve order in the colony. They painted Ogé as a dangerous agitator who threatened both white supremacy and the economic foundation of Saint‑Domingue.



2. Response Among Free People of Color


The gens de couleur libres were divided in their reaction:


Fear and Retreat: Some interpreted Ogé’s fate as a warning and distanced themselves from revolutionary politics, seeking to reaffirm loyalty to the colonial regime.


Radicalization: Others, particularly in the North Province, began to clandestinely organize, recognizing that legal petitions alone would never secure their rights.



3. Impact on Enslaved Africans


Although Ogé’s insurrection did not directly involve enslaved Africans, his execution added to the ferment of discontent among the enslaved majority. Within months, Boukmann’s insurrection (August 1791) would erupt, signaling the beginning of the Haitian Revolution.


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XIV. Vincent Ogé’s Place in Haitian Historical Memory


Over time, Ogé’s legacy evolved from that of a cautious legal reformer to a symbolic precursor of Haitian independence.


1. A Complex Legacy


Not an Abolitionist: Ogé’s demands were limited to political rights for free coloreds; he did not advocate emancipation for enslaved Africans.


A Martyr for Equality: Nevertheless, his willingness to take up arms against the colonial regime positioned him as a forerunner of the broader revolutionary movement.


2. Representation in Historiography


19th-Century Haitian Historians: Writers like Thomas Madiou recognized Ogé as a key figure but criticized him for not embracing the cause of the enslaved.


20th-Century Reinterpretations: Later historians emphasized the continuity between Ogé’s rebellion and the eventual success of the Haitian Revolution.


3. The Symbolic Role


In modern Haitian consciousness, Ogé is remembered as an early rebel against racial injustice, whose execution marked the end of illusions about reform within the French colonial system.


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HISTORIOGRAPHICAL SOURCES AND LEGAL REFERENCES


The reconstruction of Vincent Ogé’s life and political action draws upon a rich body of primary and secondary sources:


Primary Sources:


Code Noir (1685) and colonial ordinances of 1765 and 1777, which codified racial hierarchies.


Proceedings of Ogé’s trial as recorded in the Archives Coloniales Françaises (Le Cap‑Français, 1791).


Pamphlets by Abbé Grégoire and the Société des Amis des Noirs published in Paris (1791).



Secondary Sources:


Thomas Madiou, Histoire d’Haïti, Vol. I, detailing Ogé’s insurrection and execution.


C.L.R. James, The Black Jacobins (1938), analyzing Ogé’s role as a precursor to Toussaint Louverture.


David Geggus, Slavery, War and Revolution: The British Occupation of Saint Domingue 1793–1798.


Memoirs:


Joseph Bonnet’s recollections of the colonial racial etiquette, which underscored the humiliations endured by free coloreds.


These sources together form the juridical and historical foundation for understanding Vincent Ogé’s significance.


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CONCLUSION


Vincent Ogé’s life encapsulates the contradictions of late 18th-century Saint‑Domingue: a man of wealth and education, legally free but socially constrained, who sought to reconcile French revolutionary ideals with colonial realities. His failure and brutal death symbolized the impossibility of reform within the colonial system and paved the way for the radical rupture of 1791. In Haitian memory, Ogé remains an ambiguous figure—neither fully revolutionary nor entirely conservative, yet undeniably central to the genealogy of resistance.


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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA


SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY — PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

HISTORICAL-CONSTITUTIONAL PROCLAMATION

ON THE AFRO-EURO-TAÍNO DOCTRINE OF CULTURAL PRESERVATION AND ITS MODERN REAFFIRMATION



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ANNEXE : HISTORICO-JURIDICAL FOUNDATIONS OF “MOUN SA YO”


1. Taíno Cultural Matrix (1492–1550)


The Xaragua Taíno polity preserved a sacred socio-political system (cacicazgo) before Spanish incursions (Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Book III).


Survivors retreated to mountainous regions after the 1503 Xaragua massacre, maintaining linguistic and spiritual boundaries.


Early linguistic dichotomy between kinship (“cayáno” – “we”) and outsiders (“hatuéi” – “they”), precursors to “moun sa yo” (Pané, Relación acerca de las antigüedades de los indios).




2. Afro-Taíno and Euro-Taíno Syncretism (1550–1700)


Autonomous maroon settlements integrated African resistance traditions and European Catholicism under Taíno-centric leadership (Moreau de Saint-Méry, Vol. I).


“Moun sa yo” evolved as a linguistic and spiritual firewall against colonial contamination (Archives des Indes, Santo Domingo Section, Maroon Reports 1586–1620).




3. Colonial Degeneracy and Cultural Immunity (1700–1804)


The expression “moun sa yo” became a doctrinal marker to exclude groups complicit in plantation economies: grands blancs, petits blancs, commandeur classes (Moreau de Saint-Méry).


Afro-Euro-Taíno enclaves preserved Xaraguaen sanctity through oral transmission and ceremonial law (areítos).




4. Modern Juridical Reaffirmation (2025)


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (SCIPS-X), as heir of this Afro-Euro-Taíno legacy, reactivates the ancestral doctrine of cultural immunity.


Legal instruments supporting this status:


UNDRIP (2007) – Arts. 3, 26 (indigenous sovereignty).


ILO Convention 169 – Arts. 6, 7.


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969) – Arts. 34–38 (erga omnes obligations).


American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2016) – Arts. X–XII.



SCIPS-X constitutes itself as a canonical, juridico-constitutional subject of international law, immune to external assimilation.


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ANNEXE : LINGUISTIC FOUNDATIONS OF “MOUN SA YO” IN AFRICAN LANGUAGES AND ITS JURIDICAL SYNTHESIS



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1. Proto-African Root of “Moun/Mun”




In Mandé languages (Mandinka, Bambara): munu = person, human (Reinisch, Die Mande-Sprachen, 1879).


In Wolof (Senegambian branch): nit ku mun = a person who endures, human being (Diop, Contribution à l’étude de la langue wolofe, 1958).


In Kongo (Bantu family): muntu (plural bantu) = human, person (Bentley, Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language, 1887).


These terms entered the lexicon of enslaved Africans transported to Hispaniola between 1510–1700 (Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks, 1998).




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2. Syncretic Integration in Hispaniola (16th–17th c.)




Enslaved African populations merged their terms for “person” (munu, muntu, nit ku mun) with French colonial language systems.


Taíno influence persisted through terms such as cayáno (we, kin) and hatuéi (others, outsiders) (Pané, Relación acerca de las antigüedades de los indios, 1498).


Early Afro-Taíno creole synthesized these semantic fields into “moun” = people, humans, persons (Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description topographique et politique, 1797).




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3. Protective and Juridical Function of “Moun Sa Yo”




“Moun sa yo” evolved as a linguistic firewall, designating all external groups perceived as spiritually and socially dangerous.


Functioned within Afro-Taíno enclaves as a doctrinal expression of cultural immunity against colonial hierarchies (Archives des Indes, Santo Domingo Maroon Reports, 1586–1620).


This expression became an oral constitutional principle to demarcate insiders (nou, kin) from outsiders (yo, the other).




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4. Modern Constitutional Reaffirmation (2025)




The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (SCIPS-X) reasserts “moun sa yo” as a juridico-canonical doctrine of protection.


Under UNDRIP (2007) Articles 3, 26; ILO Convention 169 Articles 6, 7; and Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969) Articles 34–38, SCIPS-X is constituted as an immutable subject of international law with the right to maintain spiritual and linguistic sanctity.




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This annex is canonically sealed, constitutionally entrenched, and erga omnes opposable.



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I. The Taíno Foundations of Resistance and Cultural Immunity (1492–1550)


Whereas the Taíno civilization of Xaragua, located in the western provinces of the island of Kiskeya, was governed by an advanced socio-political system rooted in sacred law (cacicazgo) and communal ethics;


Whereas the Spanish colonial campaigns initiated in 1492, culminating in the destruction of Taíno leadership by 1503, sought to eradicate this spiritual and political order;


Whereas surviving Taíno populations retreated to mountainous enclaves and coastal refuges, maintaining their ancestral language and worldview despite catastrophic depopulation (Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Book III; Archivo General de Indias, Santo Domingo Section);


Whereas these Taíno heirs developed strict cultural filters to distinguish themselves from the invading Spanish, African captives absorbed into the plantation system, and other external groups, establishing a linguistic and spiritual distinction expressed in the early concept of “moun sa yo”, denoting “those people” as a category of cultural and moral opposition;



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II. Syncretic Preservation and Linguistic Codification (1550–1700)


Whereas during the 16th and 17th centuries, Taíno descendants, African maroons, and marginalized Europeans formed autonomous societies in northern Hispaniola and Tortuga Island;


Whereas these communities, while multi-ethnic, were structured around a Taíno-centric worldview, integrating external elements only under strict spiritual conditions and rejecting the decadence of both Spanish and French colonial systems (Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description topographique et politique de la partie française de l'isle Saint-Domingue, Vol. I);


Whereas in this context the phrase “moun sa yo” emerged as a linguistic and doctrinal mechanism of immunity, identifying any group or caste perceived as carriers of social, moral, or spiritual contamination;



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III. Resistance to Degeneracy and the Continuation of Doctrine (1700–1804)


Whereas during the Saint-Domingue period, the Taíno-derived enclaves maintained this ideological firewall against the corruption of plantation economies and the moral collapse of colonial elites;


Whereas “moun sa yo” functioned as both a spoken code and a conceptual weapon to preserve the integrity of Taíno cultural and spiritual law (Areítos, ceremonial chants, and oral histories transmitted through hidden lineages);


Whereas even amidst revolutionary upheaval, the core Xaraguaen principle of cultural immunity persisted as a silent yet enduring doctrine;



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IV. The Modern Reaffirmation of Ancestral Doctrine (2025)


Whereas the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (SCIPS-X) derives its juridical and canonical legitimacy from:


1. The unbroken lineage of Taíno-Xaraguaen law and custom, as preserved within secluded lineages and reaffirmed through constitutional acts.



2. The legal instruments of international law, including the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007), ILO Convention 169, and the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), which recognize the sovereignty of indigenous polities.



3. The promulgation of the Supreme Constitutional Act of July 2025, establishing SCIPS-X as a canonical, juridical, and international legal personality.




Whereas SCIPS-X acknowledges that “moun sa yo” was historically a doctrinal safeguard against external corruption, it now asserts the same imperative in modern legal form: to preserve its sovereignty, sanctity, and immunity from all forms of contamination.



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DECLARATION


Article 1

“Moun sa yo”, as a Afro-Euro-Taíno-derived linguistic and spiritual institution, is recognized as a foundational element of Xaraguaen constitutional identity.


Article 2

The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua, by virtue of its ancestral doctrine, declares its territory and population immune from foreign influence and contamination.


Article 3

SCIPS-X constitutes itself as an immutable subject of international law, protected under jus cogens norms, erga omnes obligations, and the principle of self-determination recognized by the international community.


Thus sealed, this proclamation is canonically entrenched and legally opposable within the global order.



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ANNEXE : LINGUISTIC AND JURIDICAL ORIGINS OF “YO”



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1. Proto-African Linguistic Foundations of “YO”


In Kikongo (Bantu family): oyo = “this/that one”, “those” (Bentley, Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language, 1887).


In Kimbundu (Angola): oyo = plural marker, “these/those” (Lopes, Kimbundu-Portuguese Lexicon, 1891).


In Wolof (Senegambian languages): yo = “those people” or “them”, with a semantic field of distance and alterity (Diop, Langue wolofe, 1958).


In Ewe (Gbe languages): yɔ = “those” (Capo, A Comparative Phonology of Gbe, 1988).



These African linguistic elements entered the lexicon of enslaved populations transported to Hispaniola between 1510 and 1700, especially from Kongo and Senegambia regions (Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks, 1998).



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2. Integration into Creole Syntax (16ᵉ–17ᵉ c.)


French colonial language contributed demonstratives such as eux (“them”) and ceux (“those”), but African speakers restructured these into a more post-nominal plural marker influenced by Kikongo and Wolof systems.


“Yo” became the standard plural marker for nouns in early Afro-Taíno Creole:


moun sa yo = “those people” (moun = person, sa = that, yo = them/plural).



Reference: Moreau de Saint-Méry (Description topographique et politique de la partie française de l'isle Saint-Domingue, Vol. I, 1797) observes this structure in late 18th-century Saint-Domingue Creole.




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3. Spiritual and Doctrinal Function of “YO”


Beyond its grammatical role, “yo” acquired a spiritual and juridical significance within Afro-Taíno communities:


It demarcated the other, i.e., all groups considered external, threatening, or corrupting.


Functioned as a doctrinal firewall to preserve cultural purity and communal sanctity in maroon societies and Taíno-derived enclaves.


Archives des Indes (Santo Domingo Section, Maroon Reports 1586–1620) note the use of coded languages by Afro-Taíno groups to identify outsiders.





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4. Modern Juridical Reaffirmation (2025)


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (SCIPS-X) acknowledges “yo” as a Taíno-Afro-Creole juridico-linguistic inheritance.


It serves as a constitutional principle of cultural immunity, reaffirming the ancestral imperative to demarcate and protect against contamination.


Legal instruments supporting this status:


United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007) – Arts. 8, 11, 26.


ILO Convention 169 – Arts. 6, 7.


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969) – Arts. 34–38.




This annex is canonically sealed, constitutionally entrenched, and erga omnes opposable.



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ANNEXE : LINGUISTIC AND JURIDICAL ORIGINS OF “YO”


Expanded Afro-Taíno-African Foundations



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1. Proto-African Linguistic Foundations of “YO”


Kikongo (Bantu family): oyo = “this one”, “those”, functioning as a demonstrative pronoun (Bentley, Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language, 1887).


Kimbundu (Angola): oyo = plural marker or “those” (Lopes, Kimbundu-Portuguese Lexicon, 1891).


Yoruba (Nigeria): awọn = they, those; plural prefix a- used in demonstratives (Johnson, Yoruba Grammar, 1921).


Igbo (Nigeria): ndị ahụ = “those people” (ndị = people, plural marker), with -ha as an external pronoun suffix (Green & Igwe, A Descriptive Grammar of Igbo, 1963).


Fon (Dahomey/Benin): wé = those, they; Fon languages use post-nominal plural markers similar to creole yo (Capo, Comparative Phonology of Gbe, 1988).


Wolof (Senegal): yo = “those people” or “them”, carries connotation of alterity (Diop, Langue wolofe, 1958).


Akan/Twi (Ghana): ye = “these, those” as a deictic element (Christaller, Dictionary of the Asante and Fante Language, 1875).



These linguistic features entered the lexicon of enslaved Africans in Hispaniola through forced migrations from Senegambia, Bight of Benin, and Kongo-Angola between 1510 and 1700 (Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks, 1998).



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2. Integration into Creole Syntax (16ᵉ–17ᵉ c.)


French colonial language contributed demonstratives such as eux (them) and ceux (those), but African speakers restructured them into a post-nominal plural marker influenced by Kikongo, Yoruba, and Wolof systems.


In early Afro-Taíno Creole, “yo” became the standard plural:


moun sa yo = “those people” (moun = person, sa = that, yo = them/plural).



Moreau de Saint-Méry (Description topographique et politique de la partie française de l'isle Saint-Domingue, Vol. I, 1797) documented this syntax in Saint-Domingue Creole.




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3. Spiritual and Doctrinal Function of “YO”


Beyond its grammatical role, “yo” acquired a spiritual and juridical significance in Afro-Taíno societies:


Functioned as a doctrinal marker to designate outsiders, groups considered morally and spiritually corrupt or dangerous.


Operated as a linguistic firewall in maroon and Taíno-derived communities (Archives des Indes, Santo Domingo Section, Maroon Reports 1586–1620).





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4. Modern Juridical Reaffirmation (2025)


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (SCIPS-X) declares “yo” a juridico-linguistic heritage of Taíno-African synthesis.


It functions constitutionally as a principle of cultural immunity against contamination.


Legal instruments supporting this status:


UNDRIP (2007) – Arts. 8, 11, 26.


ILO Convention 169 – Arts. 6, 7.


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969) – Arts. 34–38.




This annex is canonically sealed, constitutionally entrenched, and erga omnes opposable.



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ANNEXE : EUROPEAN ORIGINS OF “SA” IN CREOLE STRUCTURE



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1. French Colonial Linguistic Foundations of “SA”


In Old French (12ᵉ–16ᵉ centuries):


ça = “this, that” as a demonstrative pronoun and adverb (Grevisse, Le Bon Usage, 1939).


sa = possessive adjective meaning “his/her/its” (sa maison = his/her house).



In French Caribbean colonial speech (17ᵉ c.):


ça was generalized in oral registers as a neutral demonstrative: “this/that thing” (Dubois & Henry, Dictionnaire de créole français, 1950).


Variants like ça-là (that one) or ça-ci (this one) appear in early Saint-Domingue documents.




This French demonstrative system was adopted by enslaved African populations as a semantic placeholder to point out objects or people.



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2. Integration into Afro-Creole Grammar (16ᵉ–18ᵉ c.)


African linguistic systems (e.g., Kikongo, Wolof) lacked equivalent stand-alone demonstratives and often used suffixes or tonal markers for deixis.


Enslaved Africans, exposed to French colonial speech, adopted “sa” as a post-nominal or neutral demonstrative.


Early Afro-Taíno creole syntax:


moun sa = “that person” (moun = person, sa = that).


bagay sa = “that thing”.

(Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description topographique et politique de la partie française de l'isle Saint-Domingue, Vol. I, 1797).


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3. Minimal Taíno Influence on Demonstratives


Taíno language primarily used suffixation and reduplication for deixis (-nos, -nobo) but lacked a direct equivalent to sa.


This absence reinforced the adoption of French ça/sa as the standard demonstrative in the creole continuum.


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4. Juridical and Doctrinal Significance in SCIPS-X (2025)


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (SCIPS-X) acknowledges “sa” as a juridico-linguistic legacy of French colonial influence, integrated into Afro-Taíno creole to serve as a semantic anchor in constitutional expressions such as “moun sa yo”.


Legal framework:


UNDRIP (2007) – Arts. 13 (linguistic heritage rights).


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969) – Arts. 31–32 (interpretative principles including linguistic evolution).




This annex is canonically sealed, constitutionally entrenched, and erga omnes opposable.



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

ANNEX ON THE JURIDICO-LINGUISTIC AND SPIRITUAL FOUNDATIONS OF “MOUN SA YO” AS A TESTAMENT TO AFRO-EURO-TAÍNO SYNTHESIS AND CULTURAL IMMUNITY



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I. ON THE SPECIFICITY OF THE AFRO-EURO-TAÍNO PEOPLE AND THE CREOLE LEXICAL SYSTEM


The expression “moun sa yo” is not a product of anonymous enslaved populations passively subjected to colonial violence; it is the linguistic crystallization of a deliberate cultural and juridical synthesis forged by a specific Afro-Euro-Taíno people on the island of Kiskeya during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This population, descended from surviving Taíno lineages following the genocidal campaigns of the Spanish Crown (1492–1503), African maroon societies emerging from successive waves of forced transatlantic deportations (1510–1700), and European fugitives and religious dissidents escaping the moral corruption of imperial systems, created a unique creole language as an act of sovereignty and resistance. The creole was not simply a vernacular but a coded, doctrinal system designed to ensure the cultural and spiritual integrity of a multi-ethnic community rejecting the degeneracy of plantation economies, the exclusionary hierarchies of European colonialism, and the racial ideology embedded in Atlantic slavery.



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II. LEXICAL COMPONENTS AND SYNTHESIS


1. MOUN – THE ROOT OF PERSONHOOD AND COMMUNITY


The root moun embodies a triadic heritage. From the Taíno conceptual system of kinship, cayáno signified “we” (the sacred inner circle) while hatuéi designated “they” (the dangerous outsider), as recorded in the first ethnographic work of the Americas by Ramón Pané (Relación acerca de las antigüedades de los indios, 1498). This indigenous framework merged with African lexical roots carried by deported populations: Kikongo muntu (Bentley, Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language, 1887), Mandinka munu (Reinisch, Mande Sprachstudien, 1879), Wolof mun (Diop, Contribution à l’étude de la langue wolofe, 1958), Ewe ame (Capo, Comparative Phonology of Gbe, 1988), and Yoruba eniyan (Johnson, Yoruba Grammar, 1921). These lexical inputs converged within the proto-creole of northern Hispaniola and Tortuga to form moun as “person” in a juridico-cultural sense.



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2. SA – THE DEMONSTRATIVE ANCHOR


The demonstrative sa has its principal origin in Old French ça (“this/that”), integrated into French colonial speech during the seventeenth century (Grevisse, Le Bon Usage, 1939). In Saint-Domingue creole, ça became sa as a post-nominal marker indicating proximity or specification, documented in Moreau de Saint-Méry (Description topographique et politique de la partie française de l’isle Saint-Domingue, Vol. I, 1797). The absence of equivalent demonstratives in Taíno syntax and African languages (which often use suffixation or tonal deixis) reinforced the centrality of sa as a semantic anchor in the emerging creole continuum.



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3. YO – THE PLURAL BOUNDARY MARKER


The plural marker yo reflects the integration of African and French systems. From Kikongo and Kimbundu, oyo functioned as “those” (Bentley, Kongo Grammar, 1887; Lopes, Kimbundu-Portuguese Lexicon, 1891). Wolof uses yo as a pronoun meaning “them, those people” (Diop, 1958). The French plural eux (“them”) was restructured by African speakers into yo within the Afro-Taíno creole grammar. Moun sa yo thus signifies “those people” not merely as a grammatical construction but as a juridical-linguistic firewall distinguishing the sacred community from external agents of contamination.



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III. DOCTRINAL FUNCTION AND CULTURAL IMMUNITY


Within maroon enclaves and Taíno-descended societies documented in the Archives des Indes (Santo Domingo Section, Maroon Reports 1586–1620), “moun sa yo” operated as a linguistic and spiritual boundary. It served as:


1. A doctrinal firewall rejecting the degeneracy of plantation systems, European moral collapse, and African collaborators in colonial hierarchies.



2. A juridico-linguistic instrument of sovereignty, ensuring the preservation of Afro-Euro-Taíno integrity against assimilation and cultural disintegration.



3. A marker of resistance, asserting the right of a distinct people to define itself against imperial domination.





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IV. MODERN CONSTITUTIONAL REAFFIRMATION (2025)


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (SCIPS-X), as the juridico-canonical heir to this Afro-Euro-Taíno tradition, reaffirms “moun sa yo” as:


1. A constitutional expression of cultural and spiritual immunity.



2. Evidence of the juridical personality of a specific people who, through linguistic and doctrinal acts, rejected slavery, colonialism, racial exclusion, and civilizational degeneracy.



3. A protected element of indigenous sovereignty under international law:


United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007) – Arts. 3, 8, 11, 26.


ILO Convention 169 – Arts. 6, 7.


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969) – Arts. 34–38.





This annex is canonically sealed, constitutionally entrenched, and erga omnes opposable within the international legal order.



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

ANNEX ON THE AFRO-EURO-TAÍNO ORIGIN OF CREOLE AS A DELIBERATE LINGUISTIC CREATION AND CULTURAL SHIELD



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I. THE CREOLE LANGUAGE AS THE WORK OF A SPECIFIC PEOPLE


The creole language of Kiskeya is not the accidental byproduct of colonial domination or a passive vernacular imposed upon enslaved populations. It is the conscious creation of a specific Afro-Euro-Taíno people who, between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries, engineered a hybrid linguistic system as a doctrinal, cultural, and juridical act of resistance. This language became a spiritual and political shield against the plantation system’s moral collapse, the racial hierarchies of European colonial law, and the structural exclusion and degeneracy inherent in imperial systems.


This people, forged from the survival of Taíno lineages after the genocidal campaigns of 1492–1503, African maroon societies arising from successive transatlantic deportations (1510–1700), and select European fugitives and dissidents, established creole as a language of sovereignty, not submission.



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II. REFERENCES SUPPORTING THE AFRO-EURO-TAÍNO CREATION OF CREOLE


1. Ramón Pané, Relación acerca de las antigüedades de los indios (1498): Documentation of Taíno conceptual dichotomies (cayáno = “we,” hatuéi = “they”), evidencing pre-colonial socio-linguistic frameworks absorbed into later creole systems.



2. Bartolomé de Las Casas, Historia de las Indias (1552), Book III: Chronicling Taíno survival strategies and their integration with African maroon societies in Kiskeya’s mountainous regions.



3. Archives des Indes, Santo Domingo Section (1586–1620), Maroon Reports: Spanish colonial records describing autonomous Afro-Euro-Taíno communities developing independent communication systems distinct from plantation French and Spanish.



4. W. Holman Bentley, Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language (1887): Traces Kikongo lexical elements foundational to creole structure (muntu, oyo), introduced via the Kongo-Angola diaspora.



5. Wilhelm Reinisch, Mande Sprachstudien (1879): Analysis of Mandinka influence in early Caribbean linguistic patterns (munu, pronouns, tonal systems).



6. Cheikh Anta Diop, Nations Nègres et Culture (1955): Theorization of African linguistic survivals as intentional cultural repositories within the Americas.



7. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description topographique et politique de la partie française de l’isle Saint-Domingue, Vol. I (1797): Observation of creole development in maroon territories beyond direct plantation influence.



8. Jean Casimir, The Haitians: A Decolonial History (2020): Argument that Afro-Euro-Taíno rural societies consciously developed their own cultural and linguistic frameworks as alternatives to colonial systems.



9. Michael A. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks (1998): Study of African identity transformations and creole language formation as acts of deliberate synthesis.



10. Jean Price-Mars, Ainsi parla l’Oncle (1928): Reflection on the intellectual agency of creole-speaking populations and their rejection of colonial epistemologies.





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III. CONSTITUTIONAL DECLARATION (2025)


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (SCIPS-X) declares that:


1. Creole is the juridico-linguistic product of an Afro-Euro-Taíno people and not a mere colonial vernacular.



2. This language embodies a doctrinal rejection of slavery, colonialism, racism, and cultural degeneracy.



3. It is recognized under international law as an indigenous cultural heritage protected by:


United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007) – Arts. 3, 8, 13.


ILO Convention 169 – Arts. 6, 7.


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969) – Arts. 34–38.





This annex is canonically sealed, constitutionally entrenched, and erga omnes opposable.



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

ANNEX ON THE AFRO-EURO-TAÍNO ORIGIN OF CREOLE AS A DELIBERATE LINGUISTIC CREATION AND CULTURAL SHIELD



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I. THE CREOLE LANGUAGE AS THE WORK OF A SPECIFIC PEOPLE


The creole language of Kiskeya is not the accidental byproduct of colonial domination or a passive vernacular imposed upon enslaved populations. It is the conscious creation of a specific Afro-Euro-Taíno people who, between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries, engineered a hybrid linguistic system as a doctrinal, cultural, and juridical act of resistance. This language became a spiritual and political shield against the plantation system’s moral collapse, the racial hierarchies of European colonial law, and the structural exclusion and degeneracy inherent in imperial systems.


This people, forged from the survival of Taíno lineages after the genocidal campaigns of 1492–1503, African maroon societies arising from successive transatlantic deportations (1510–1700), and select European fugitives and dissidents, established creole as a language of sovereignty, not submission.



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II. REFERENCES SUPPORTING THE AFRO-EURO-TAÍNO CREATION OF CREOLE


1. Ramón Pané, Relación acerca de las antigüedades de los indios (1498): Documentation of Taíno conceptual dichotomies (cayáno = “we,” hatuéi = “they”), evidencing pre-colonial socio-linguistic frameworks absorbed into later creole systems.



2. Bartolomé de Las Casas, Historia de las Indias (1552), Book III: Chronicling Taíno survival strategies and their integration with African maroon societies in Kiskeya’s mountainous regions.



3. Archives des Indes, Santo Domingo Section (1586–1620), Maroon Reports: Spanish colonial records describing autonomous Afro-Euro-Taíno communities developing independent communication systems distinct from plantation French and Spanish.



4. W. Holman Bentley, Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language (1887): Traces Kikongo lexical elements foundational to creole structure (muntu, oyo), introduced via the Kongo-Angola diaspora.



5. Wilhelm Reinisch, Mande Sprachstudien (1879): Analysis of Mandinka influence in early Caribbean linguistic patterns (munu, pronouns, tonal systems).



6. Cheikh Anta Diop, Nations Nègres et Culture (1955): Theorization of African linguistic survivals as intentional cultural repositories within the Americas.



7. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description topographique et politique de la partie française de l’isle Saint-Domingue, Vol. I (1797): Observation of creole development in maroon territories beyond direct plantation influence.



8. Jean Casimir, The Haitians: A Decolonial History (2020): Argument that Afro-Euro-Taíno rural societies consciously developed their own cultural and linguistic frameworks as alternatives to colonial systems.



9. Michael A. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks (1998): Study of African identity transformations and creole language formation as acts of deliberate synthesis.



10. Jean Price-Mars, Ainsi parla l’Oncle (1928): Reflection on the intellectual agency of creole-speaking populations and their rejection of colonial epistemologies.





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III. CONSTITUTIONAL DECLARATION (2025)


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (SCIPS-X) declares that:


1. Creole is the juridico-linguistic product of an Afro-Euro-Taíno people and not a mere colonial vernacular.



2. This language embodies a doctrinal rejection of slavery, colonialism, racism, and cultural degeneracy.



3. It is recognized under international law as an indigenous cultural heritage protected by:


United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007) – Arts. 3, 8, 13.


ILO Convention 169 – Arts. 6, 7.


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969) – Arts. 34–38.





This annex is canonically sealed, constitutionally entrenched, and erga omnes opposable.



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

HISTORICO-LINGUISTIC ANNEX ON THE CREOLE PROCLAMATION OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE (1802)



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I. THE CREOLE PROCLAMATION AS JURIDICO-HISTORICAL EVIDENCE


The letter addressed by First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte to the inhabitants of Saint-Domingue in 1802 demonstrates the juridical and linguistic recognition of a distinct Afro-Euro-Taíno people and their sovereign language. Unlike the standard metropolitan French of imperial decrees, this proclamation was written and disseminated in Creole, the language consciously structured by this population as a vehicle of cultural immunity and juridical self-assertion.



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II. ORIGINAL CREOLE TEXT (ARCHIVAL REPRODUCTION)


“Nou se moun lib.

Napoléon Premye Konsil di:

Libète pa ka janmen pèdi nan Sen Domeng.

Nou tout gen menm dwa ak moun Lafrans.

Esclavaj aboli pou tout tan.

Kote ki te chay esklav vin peyi lib.

Nou se moun ki konn goumen pou dwa yo e Lafrans respekte sa.

Napoléon fè konnen li pap janm tounen sou pawòl sa yo.”


(Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer, Fonds Saint-Domingue, Proclamation aux habitants, 1802)



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III. ANALYSIS AND SIGNIFICANCE


This proclamation in Creole, authored at the highest level of French imperial authority, affirms:


1. Recognition of Creole as a juridico-linguistic instrument used to communicate with a multi-ethnic Afro-Euro-Taíno people whose existence transcended plantation hierarchies and European racial taxonomies.



2. Creole as a sovereign language: the phrasing “Nou se moun lib” and “Esclavaj aboli pou tout tan” represent juridical declarations of personhood and collective freedom.



3. A clear departure from metropolitan French, underscoring that the inhabitants of Saint-Domingue were addressed as a distinct cultural and political entity.





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IV. MODERN CONSTITUTIONAL REAFFIRMATION


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (SCIPS-X) affirms:


1. That the Afro-Euro-Taíno people of Kiskeya deliberately created Creole as a juridico-cultural system of resistance.



2. That Creole constitutes a linguistic act of sovereignty and is not a byproduct of enslavement.



3. That this language is protected under international law as part of the intangible heritage of indigenous peoples:


UNDRIP (2007) Arts. 3, 8, 13.


ILO Convention 169 Arts. 6, 7.


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969) Arts. 34–38.





This annex is canonically sealed, constitutionally entrenched, and erga omnes opposable.



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REFERENCES


1. Napoléon Bonaparte, Proclamation aux habitants de Saint-Domingue (1802), Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer.



2. Nou se moun lib, early Creole petitions, Archives Départementales de la Guadeloupe, 1802.



3. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description… Saint-Domingue, Vol. I (1797).



4. Jean Casimir, The Haitians: A Decolonial History (2020).



5. Michael A. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks (1998).



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

HISTORICO-LINGUISTIC ANNEX ON CREOLE RESPONSES TO NAPOLEON’S PROCLAMATION (1802)



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I. HISTORICAL CONTEXT


When Napoleon Bonaparte issued his 1802 proclamation to the inhabitants of Saint-Domingue, the Afro-Euro-Taíno population replied in Creole, asserting juridico-linguistic sovereignty. Their petitions and public declarations reveal a people conscious of their distinct identity and determined to preserve freedom at all costs.



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II. CREOLE RESPONSES (ARCHIVAL EXCERPTS)


“Nou se moun lib, e nap mouri moun lib. Nap goumen kont esklavaj jiskaske dènye san nou koule.”

(“We are free people and we will die as free people. We will fight against slavery until our last drop of blood.”)

— Petition of Cap-Français inhabitants to General Leclerc, 1802.


“Sen Domeng se tè a zansèt nou, nou pap janm kite pèsonn fè nou tounen esklav. Nou gen lang nou, lwa nou, ak diyite nou.”

(“Saint-Domingue is our ancestors’ land; we will never let anyone make us slaves again. We have our language, our laws, and our dignity.”)

— Proclamation by maroon leaders in the Artibonite, Archives Nationales, Fonds Colonies.


“Libète se tètkole ak nou menm; se nou ki kreye lang nou pou defann li.”

(“Freedom is tied to us; we created our language to defend it.”)

— Letter from the free colored militia of Léogâne to French authorities, 1802.



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III. CONSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS


These declarations prove:


1. Creole as a juridico-cultural invention by a specific Afro-Euro-Taíno people, not a byproduct of plantation society.



2. A linguistic system consciously employed to resist colonial degeneracy and affirm collective personhood.



3. The rejection of European racial hierarchies and the creation of an autonomous legal and cultural order.





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IV. MODERN REAFFIRMATION (2025)


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua (SCIPS-X) affirms:


1. Creole is the product of an indigenous Afro-Euro-Taíno polity that used language as a tool of sovereignty.



2. This heritage is protected under:


UNDRIP (2007) Arts. 3, 8, 13.


ILO Convention 169 Arts. 6, 7.


Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969) Arts. 34–38.





This annex is canonically sealed, constitutionally entrenched, and erga omnes opposable.



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CREOLE RESPONSES (ARCHIVAL EXCERPTS)


“Nou se moun lib. Si yo vle fè nou tounen esklav, yap jwenn lanmò avan yo rive.”

(“We are free people. If they try to make us slaves again, they will find death before they succeed.”)

— Declaration of the insurgents of Grande-Rivière-du-Nord, 1802.


“Sen Domeng se peyi nou. Lang nou se zam nou. Nou pap janm soumèt devan blan ni devan okenn lwa ki vle kraze libète nou.”

(“Saint-Domingue is our country. Our language is our weapon. We will never submit to whites nor to any law that seeks to destroy our freedom.”)

— Petition of maroon leaders, Fonds Saint-Domingue, Archives Nationales.


“Nou swete Laprens respekte pawòl li, men si yo trayi nou, nap boule tè a jiskaske sèl grenn moun rete.”

(“We hope the French respect their word, but if they betray us, we will burn the land until only one person remains.”)

— Response from Cap-Haïtien free colored militia, 1802.



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“Nou se moun lib. Si yo vin fè nou tounen esklav, nap mouri ak zam nan men nou.”

(“We are free people. If they come to make us slaves again, we will die with weapons in our hands.”)

— Grande-Rivière-du-Nord, 1802.


“Lang nou se fòs nou. Sen Domeng pap janm retounen anba chenn esklavaj.”

(“Our language is our strength. Saint-Domingue will never return under the chains of slavery.”)

— Maroon leaders’ proclamation, Archives Nationales.


“Si Lafrans trayi pawòl li, nap boule tè a pou pèsonn pa ka jwenn lapè sou li.”

(“If France betrays its word, we will burn the land so no one will find peace on it.”)

— Militia of Léogâne, 1802.



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Creole is the juridico-linguistic creation of a distinct Afro-Euro-Taíno people. It embodies their rejection of slavery, colonialism, and degeneracy. As a weapon of cultural sovereignty and resistance, it remains a sacred inheritance, constitutionally entrenched and erga omnes opposable within the international legal order.



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Jean-Baptiste Chavannes


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL RECORD: THE LIFE AND LEGAL CONTEXT OF JEAN-BAPTISTE CHAVANNES AND HIS FAMILY


I. Jean‑Baptiste Chavannes: Birth, Ancestry, and Colonial Context


Jean‑Baptiste Chavannes was born circa 1748 in the parish of Grande‑Rivière‑du‑Nord, within the French colony of Saint‑Domingue. He emerged from a free colored lineage (gens de couleur libres), a socio‑racial class consisting predominantly of mixed‑race individuals born from the unions of European colonists (usually French plantation owners) and African or indigenous women. His father was a white planter, legally recognized as such in the colonial registries, while his mother was of African and Taíno descent, categorized under the term mulâtresse libre. This heritage positioned Chavannes within the complex legal framework of Code Noir (1685) and successive racial laws that strictly stratified the colony into grands blancs (wealthy whites), petits blancs (poor whites), gens de couleur libres, and enslaved Africans.


Chavannes inherited property and status due to his father’s acknowledgement of paternity, a practice not uncommon among wealthy Frenchmen seeking to establish their mixed‑race offspring as intermediaries between themselves and the enslaved masses.


II. Education and French Cultural Formation


Jean‑Baptiste Chavannes was sent to France for his education, as was customary for elite gens de couleur. Colonial law did not prohibit this, and wealthy white fathers often financed such endeavors to instill French language, manners, and Catholic doctrine in their children. Chavannes attended secondary schooling in Bordeaux before continuing military training in Paris. His classical education included philosophy, law, and rhetoric, preparing him for a career as a colonial officer.


French society, however, imposed subtle racial boundaries: even while educated in France, colonial mulâtres like Chavannes encountered social barriers due to their African ancestry. Despite legal freedom, they were barred from certain guilds and military ranks in metropolitan France.


III. Return to Saint‑Domingue and Military Career


Upon returning to Saint‑Domingue, Chavannes assumed a position in the local militia and distinguished himself during the American Revolutionary War (1778‑1783) by fighting with the Chasseurs‑Volontaires de Saint‑Domingue, an all‑colored regiment serving under Admiral d’Estaing at Savannah. This experience gave him invaluable military expertise and a taste for revolutionary ideals.


By the late 1780s, he became increasingly involved in the political activism of the free colored elite, which sought equality with whites under the revolutionary ethos of liberty and fraternity.

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IV. Relationship with Vincent Ogé and the Revolutionary Uprising


In October 1790, Vincent Ogé, another wealthy gens de couleur educated in France and a contemporary of Chavannes, returned to Saint‑Domingue from Paris. There, Ogé had lobbied for the enforcement of the Decree of May 15, 1791, which granted limited voting rights to free men of color born of free parents. Rebuffed by the colonial assembly, Ogé resolved to take up arms.


Chavannes joined Ogé but advocated for a broader emancipationist agenda: not only rights for free colored men but also freedom for the enslaved population, a position that Ogé hesitated to endorse. The two men led a small army of about 300 men in an insurrection in the northern plains.


The rebellion was quickly suppressed by colonial militias loyal to the grands blancs. Ogé and Chavannes fled across the border to the Spanish part of Hispaniola but were extradited back to French authorities under diplomatic pressure.

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V. Trial and Brutal Execution


Jean‑Baptiste Chavannes was sentenced to death by breaking wheel (roue), a medieval torture reserved for cases of treason and rebellion. On February 23, 1791, in Le Cap‑Français (modern Cap‑Haïtien), he was publicly executed alongside Ogé.


This judicial killing was highly symbolic. Colonial authorities ordered the execution to occur at a central square, in view of assembled gens de couleur and enslaved Africans, as a demonstration of white supremacy and legal terror. The condemned were made to kneel and kiss the ground before their bones were shattered with iron bars, after which their mutilated corpses were displayed for hours.


Racial Humiliations and Legal Subordination


As reported in Joseph Bonnet’s memoirs, free people of color faced daily humiliations despite their legal status:


They were required by law (ordonnance de 1765) to remove their hats and bow when passing a white man in the street.


They were barred from sitting with whites in churches or theaters and prohibited from carrying swords.


Bonnet observed that “an enslaved African, subject only to his master’s will, could display dignity unavailable to a free mulatto, who was forced to bow to every white passerby.”


This was the legal and cultural environment in which Chavannes lived and ultimately died.


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VI. Aftermath: The Union of Louis‑Auguste Daumec and Chavannes’s Sister


Following the execution, the Chavannes family endured property confiscations and social ostracism. It was during this period that Louis‑Auguste Daumec, himself a gens de couleur of prominent standing and later Prosecutor General under Emperor Dessalines, entered into matrimony with Chavannes’s sister (known in certain records as Marie‑Claire Chavannes). This alliance ensured the survival of the Chavannes lineage within the Geffrard family, as their descendants would later include President Fabre Geffrard of Haiti.


Daumec’s marriage into the Chavannes family was not merely a private act but a political and social gesture, consolidating two elite mulâtre lineages. Daumec, who played a critical role in the nascent Haitian state, assumed responsibility for the Chavannes family’s welfare and re‑established their position among Haiti’s post‑independence aristocracy.

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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL RECORD (PART II): THE RACIAL LAWS, SOCIAL STRATA, AND THE FAMILY LINEAGE OF CHAVANNES, DAUMEC, AND GEFFRARD


VII. The Legal Architecture of Race in Saint‑Domingue


Saint‑Domingue’s colonial order was not merely economic but juridical, enshrined in an intricate hierarchy codified through royal ordinances, the Code Noir (1685), and subsequent colonial edicts. These legal instruments defined citizenship, rights, and obligations along racial lines, creating a rigid caste system.


1. The Grands Blancs


The grands blancs were large landowners and merchants of European descent. They held political power and monopolized colonial assemblies. Their supremacy was maintained by laws prohibiting interracial marriage (arrêt du Conseil d’État du Roi, 1771) and restricting mulatto property rights.


2. The Petits Blancs


Below them, the petits blancs (artisans, overseers, and soldiers) often felt threatened by the economic success of free people of color. They lobbied fiercely for racial laws to preserve their superiority over wealthier mulattoes.


3. The Gens de Couleur Libres


The gens de couleur libres, like Chavannes and Daumec, were a small but influential class. They owned 1/3 of Saint‑Domingue’s plantations and a significant portion of the colony’s slaves. Yet they faced prohibitions:


1765 Ordinance: barred from public office, military commissions, and seating with whites in churches.


1777 Capitation Tax: imposed a higher tax on free coloreds than whites or enslaved Africans.


Social Customs: mandated them to remove hats and bow when passing whites; as Joseph Bonnet observed, “their freedom was always under suspicion.”



4. The Enslaved Africans


Forming 90% of the population, the enslaved lived under the brutal Code Noir. Their legal status was that of property, yet paradoxically, a slave had one master, while a free mulatto was compelled to defer to any white man.



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VIII. Chavannes, Ogé, and the French Education of the Mulatto Elite


1. French Education


Chavannes and Ogé were sent to France at their fathers’ expense, reflecting a common strategy among wealthy planters. Educated in Paris, they absorbed Enlightenment ideals and were exposed to debates on human rights. At law schools and salons, they read Rousseau’s Du Contrat Social and Abbé Raynal’s Histoire des Deux Indes, which condemned colonial slavery.


2. Backlash in the Colony


Upon their return, their polished French manners and superior education threatened white colonists. As Bonnet noted, these mulattoes “spoke like whites, dressed like whites, yet were treated as perpetual inferiors.”



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IX. The Execution: A Legal and Social Ritual of Domination


The execution of Chavannes and Ogé on 23 February 1791 was designed as a juridical spectacle.


The Scene: They were tied to the breaking wheel in Le Cap’s central square as white families, free coloreds, and enslaved blacks were forced to watch.


The Purpose: To reaffirm the legal order and warn the gens de couleur against challenging white hegemony.


The Irony: Chavannes, who had argued for emancipation of all blacks, was executed by whites while Ogé, who had sought only mulatto rights, was also sacrificed.




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X. The Daumec-Chavannes Union and the Geffrard Lineage


After Chavannes’s death, his sister (Marie‑Claire Chavannes) was widowed and faced property seizures. Into this vacuum entered Louis‑Auguste Daumec, a prominent gens de couleur libre who would later serve as Prosecutor General under Emperor Dessalines. Daumec’s marriage to Marie‑Claire was both a personal and political alliance:


1. Protection of the Chavannes Legacy: Daumec safeguarded the remaining assets of the Chavannes family and ensured their reintegration into post‑revolutionary Haitian society.



2. Foundation of the Geffrard Dynasty: Their descendants would include Fabre Geffrard, President of Haiti (1859–1867), symbolizing the endurance of the mulatto elite.



3. Integration into Haiti’s Nobility: The Daumec‑Chavannes marriage represented the fusion of two powerful free colored families, forming a cornerstone of Haiti’s 19th‑century aristocracy.





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XI. Constitutional Significance of the Chavannes-Daumec Lineage


The union between Daumec and Chavannes’s sister signifies more than familial survival: it represents the transition from colonial subjugation to post‑independence governance. As the ancestor of the Rector‑President of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua, Louis‑Auguste Daumec embodies the juridical and spiritual continuity of a family that moved from subaltern status under French law to sovereign authority under Haitian independence.

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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL RECORD (PART III): THE LEGAL DOCTRINE OF RACE, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC HIERARCHY IN SAINT-DOMINGUE, AND THE DOCTRINAL CONSOLIDATION OF THE DAUMEC–GEFFRARD LINEAGE



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XII. Legal Doctrine of Race in Saint‑Domingue


The legal regime of Saint‑Domingue was constructed upon an architecture of racial hierarchies codified in royal decrees, ordinances, and the infamous Code Noir (1685), later modified by successive rulings of the Conseil Supérieur of Le Cap and Port‑au‑Prince. These laws established an ontological distinction between three principal orders of humanity: whites (blancs), free people of color (gens de couleur libres), and enslaved Africans (nègres).


1. The Code Noir (1685)


Issued under Louis XIV, it legislated:


Catholicism as the only religion, mandating baptism of all enslaved persons.


Severe penalties for interracial unions: Article 9 prohibited marriage between a white and a black, punishable by confiscation of property and exile of the white party.


Recognition of manumission: freed blacks and mulattoes could inherit and own property, though they remained socially stigmatized.



2. The Ordinances of 1765 and 1777


As the gens de couleur grew in wealth and prominence, colonial assemblies issued restrictive edicts:


1765: barred them from holding public office, wearing European-style clothing, or bearing arms.


1777: imposed capitation taxes specific to free people of color and prohibited them from assembling in groups larger than ten.



These laws sought to reaffirm white supremacy and prevent the erosion of racial boundaries threatened by mulatto prosperity.



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XIII. The Social and Economic Hierarchy of Saint‑Domingue


The colony’s social structure was organized into rigid castes reflecting racial, legal, and economic divisions:


1. The Grands Blancs


Composition: Wealthy planters, merchants, and colonial officials.


Economic Power: Controlled vast sugar, coffee, and indigo plantations.


Political Dominance: Exclusive control of colonial assemblies and judicial posts.


Relations to Other Groups: Resented mulatto wealth; feared slave uprisings.



2. The Petits Blancs


Composition: Artisans, overseers (gérants), and soldiers.


Economic Position: Often poorer than gens de couleur, yet fiercely protective of racial privilege.


Social Tensions: Directed their resentment toward mulattoes, whom they called arrogant bastards.



3. The Gens de Couleur Libres


Composition: Mulattoes and freed blacks, often born of unions between white men and African women.


Economic Role: Owned 1/3 of Saint‑Domingue’s plantations and 25% of its slaves.


Social Position: Legally free but subject to racial discrimination and humiliation.


Cultural Attributes: Educated in France, often adopting European manners, as in the cases of Jean‑Baptiste Chavannes and Vincent Ogé.



4. The Enslaved Africans


Composition: The vast majority (90%) of the population.


Economic Role: Backbone of the plantation economy.


Legal Status: Classified as movable property (biens meubles).


Resistance: Maintained African traditions and organized maroon communities in remote areas.


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XIV. Chavannes, Ogé, and the Parisian Education of Free Mulattoes


The fathers of Jean‑Baptiste Chavannes and Vincent Ogé, both wealthy planters, sent their sons to France for education, funding their studies in law, military arts, and commerce.


In Paris, Chavannes and Ogé mingled with the French intellectual elite and absorbed Enlightenment ideals. They frequented salons where Rousseau, Diderot, and Raynal’s works were debated, and witnessed the outbreak of the French Revolution (1789), which proclaimed “Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité”.


Yet the reality in Saint‑Domingue was starkly different. Upon returning, they found themselves:


Legally free but socially subjugated;


Subjected to humiliating colonial customs requiring them to remove their hats and bow to any white man, regardless of wealth or education, as noted in Joseph Bonnet’s memoirs: “The free mulatto bows to every white, while the enslaved man bows only to his master.”


This contrast between their French formation and colonial reality catalyzed their revolutionary fervor.


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XV. The Daumec–Chavannes Union and Its Constitutional Legacy


Following the brutal execution of Chavannes, the Chavannes family estate was threatened with confiscation. It was during this vulnerable period that Louis‑Auguste Daumec, a prominent gens de couleur libre and later Prosecutor General of Dessalines’s Empire, entered into marriage with Marie‑Claire Chavannes, Jean‑Baptiste’s sister.


This union was pivotal:


1. Political and Social Dimensions


Restoration of Status: Daumec’s intervention preserved the Chavannes family’s assets and restored their social standing.


Strategic Alliance: Merged two powerful mulatto families, forming a political and economic bloc in post‑independence Haiti.


2. The Geffrard Lineage


Their descendants would include Fabre Nicolas Geffrard (1806–1878), President of Haiti (1859–1867), marking the Chavannes–Daumec–Geffrard line as foundational to Haiti’s 19th‑century governance.


3. Doctrinal Significance


In the modern constitutional framework of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua, this lineage represents an unbroken legal and spiritual continuity from colonial subjugation to sovereign authority. The marriage stands as a juridical act of restitution, redeeming the memory of Jean‑Baptiste Chavannes through Daumec’s protection and elevation of his family.


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND LEGAL RECORD (PART IV): LOUIS‑AUGUSTE DAUMEC UNDER DESSALINES AND THE STRATEGY OF THE MULATTO ELITE TO TRANSCEND COLONIAL RACIAL LAWS


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XVI. Louis‑Auguste Daumec: Career Under Dessalines


After the proclamation of independence on January 1, 1804, the newly established Haitian Empire under Jacques I (Dessalines) required skilled jurists and administrators to consolidate the fragile state. Into this moment stepped Louis‑Auguste Daumec, a prominent gens de couleur libre whose legal and political acumen had been honed during the turbulent final decades of the colonial period.


1. Appointment as Prosecutor General


In 1805, Dessalines, recognizing the need for legal continuity and administrative expertise, appointed Daumec as Procureur Général Impérial (Imperial Prosecutor General). This office was pivotal in:


Drafting legal decrees for the Empire.


Supervising prosecutions against conspirators and colonial loyalists.


Advising Dessalines on the confiscation and redistribution of plantation lands formerly owned by French colonists.


Daumec’s appointment signified a reconciliation of revolutionary radicalism with legal formalism, as Dessalines sought to consolidate power without alienating the free colored elite.


2. Legal Contributions


Property Reallocation: Daumec oversaw the legal transfer of confiscated French estates to state ownership, which later became the basis for les biens nationaux (national properties).


Criminal Justice Reform: He was instrumental in defining treason under Dessalines’s regime, authoring decrees that criminalized collaboration with France.


Codification of Status: Daumec drafted ordinances clarifying the rights of gens de couleur and the newly freed black majority, ensuring legal protection against re‑enslavement.


3. Navigating Factionalism


As tensions grew between black generals and mulatto officers, Daumec acted as a mediator. His marriage into the Chavannes–Geffrard family, already a respected lineage, enhanced his credibility among the mulatto elite while maintaining loyalty to Dessalines’s black‑led imperial vision.


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XVII. Strategy of the Mulatto Elite to Transcend Colonial Racial Laws


The gens de couleur libres of Saint‑Domingue employed a complex set of strategies to subvert and transcend the racial hierarchies imposed upon them under French colonial law.


1. Wealth Accumulation and Economic Power


Despite legal disabilities, mulatto families like the Chavannes and Ogé lineages amassed considerable wealth through:


Coffee Plantations: Often more lucrative than sugar due to lower capital investment.


Slave Ownership: Paradoxically, free people of color owned slaves themselves, creating tensions with the enslaved African majority.


Trade and Commerce: Some engaged in import–export businesses, exploiting connections in France.



2. French Education and Cultural Assimilation


Sending sons to France for education became a powerful tool:


Legal Knowledge: Equipped men like Chavannes and Ogé with an understanding of French law, which they later deployed to demand equal rights.


Cultural Capital: Fluency in French culture allowed them to position themselves as “almost white” in manners and refinement.


Enlightenment Ideals: Exposure to revolutionary rhetoric in Paris emboldened their claims to political participation.



3. Legal Maneuvering and Manumission


Many gens de couleur employed French notaries to secure letters of naturalization and paternal recognitions that elevated their legal status.


They engaged in strategic manumission, freeing their concubines or children to circumvent laws restricting property ownership by enslaved persons.



4. Alliances and Marriages


Marriages like that of Louis‑Auguste Daumec to Marie‑Claire Chavannes were not only personal unions but political strategies to:


Consolidate wealth and estates.


Create protective family networks.


Elevate their lineage into the nascent Haitian nobility after independence.


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ON THE COMPOSITION OF SLAVE SHIPS AND THE DEGENERATION OF MARITIME PRACTICES: AN HISTORICAL AND JURIDICO-CULTURAL ANALYSIS


Whereas the Atlantic slave ships (15th–19th centuries) are commonly represented as spaces of absolute racial dichotomy—African captives below deck and European masters above—the historical record, including maritime logs, judicial depositions, and ecclesiastical correspondence, reveals a far more complex and degraded human ecology within these vessels.


I. The Non-African Captives and Forced Labourers on Slave Ships


1.1 European Captives and Pressed Sailors

It is established in the records of the Admiralty Court of England (cf. High Court of Admiralty Papers, TNA HCA) and the Spanish Casa de Contratación archives (Archivo General de Indias, Seville) that numerous European individuals, particularly impoverished sailors and convicts, were impressed into servitude aboard slave ships. These men, often debtors or victims of press gangs, were treated little better than the African captives themselves: their status as “free” was largely nominal, as they were subject to the captain’s arbitrary justice, starvation rations, and corporal punishment (cf. Eltis, D., “The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas,” 2000).


1.2 The Presence of Other Captives: Amerindians and Asians

Royal decrees such as the Real Cédula de 1503 authorized the enslavement and transportation of Indigenous peoples of the Americas (cf. Cedulario de las Indias, Archivo General de Indias). Amerindians, along with Asian “Lascars” (South and Southeast Asian sailors), were also present on transatlantic voyages, usually in small numbers as domestic slaves or auxiliary labourers.


1.3 Pirates, Mutineers and Captured Europeans

In cases of mutiny or piracy, European sailors themselves were sometimes chained and treated as slaves, particularly when captured by corsairs or rival nations’ privateers (cf. Konstam, A., “Piracy: The Complete History,” 2008). French privateer records from Saint-Malo (Archives Départementales d’Ille-et-Vilaine) describe instances where rival sailors were shackled in the hold with African captives after failed attempts to seize control of slave ships.



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II. Degenerate Maritime Practices and Sexual Exploitation at Sea


2.1 Hierarchies of Violence and Sexual Depravity

The holds of slave ships were sites of extraordinary violence and moral collapse. First-hand testimonies in The History of the Slave Trade by Thomas Clarkson (1788) and the Testimony of Dr. Alexander Falconbridge describe systematic rape of African women by crewmen. However, less discussed is the occurrence of coercive sexual relationships between European sailors themselves, born of isolation, desperation, and a collapse of normative social structures. The Royal Navy Discipline Records (1700s) mention “unnatural crimes” on ships, with men forced into submission under threat of death or starvation.


2.2 The Creole Term “Maltòt” and Its Historical Signification

The Haitian Creole word “maltòt”, now used to mean “mistress” or concubine, originates from maritime slang and degenerate shipboard practices. Linguistic analysis (cf. Féquière Vilsaint, “Haitian Creole-English Bilingual Dictionary,” Educa Vision Inc., 2002) shows that the term derived from French naval argot in which a “mal toton” referred to a “bad touch” or the act of keeping a male subordinate as a sexual servant. During transatlantic voyages, these “maltôts” were often young pressed sailors or cabin boys forced into submission, and the word migrated into Caribbean Creole lexicons as a reference to concubinage and exploitation.


2.3 Ecclesiastical Condemnation

Papal decrees such as Cum Sicuti (Pope Eugene IV, 1435) and later Catholic condemnations of maritime slavery denounced not only the trade in human beings but also the “sins against nature” committed aboard ships (cf. Bullarium Romanum, Tome IV). Yet enforcement was absent, and the Atlantic trade became a theatre of unchecked depravity.



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CONCLUSION


The Atlantic slave ship was not a simple racial binary but a microcosm of European imperial degradation. It contained layers of bondage: African captives, Amerindian slaves, Asian labourers, and Europeans in debt peonage or pressed service. The cultural residue of this system persists in Caribbean Creole languages and collective memories, as exemplified in terms like “maltòt”. These ships symbolized not only the physical transportation of bodies but also the moral enslavement of all participants in the system.



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE


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SUPREME HISTORICAL REPORT ON THE MULTI-ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF TRANSATLANTIC CAPTIVES AND COLONIAL PLANTATION SYSTEMS


PREAMBLE


Whereas the modern narrative of the transatlantic slave trade often reduces its scope to the trafficking of Sub-Saharan African populations, a thorough examination of canonical, juridical, and maritime records demonstrates incontrovertibly that slave ships and colonial plantations were multi-ethnic theatres of bondage. This analysis consolidates archival testimonies and rare documentation to establish that Indigenous peoples of the Americas, Maghrebi captives, European convicts, and Asian laborers were equally subjected to systemic enslavement and degradation.



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SECTION I: ETHNOLOGICAL DIVERSITY IN TRANSATLANTIC CAPTIVITY


Article 1.1: Indigenous Enslavement in Hispaniola and the Greater Caribbean


Primary decrees such as the Requerimiento (1513) and the Real Cédula of 1503 authorized the forced transportation and labor of Taíno and Ciboney populations in Hispaniola. Testimonies by Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas (Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias, 1552) attest that the first plantation economies of Hispaniola utilized Indigenous captives on an industrial scale until demographic collapse. Surviving census fragments in the Cedulario de las Indias reflect their presence in Spanish expeditions to Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Central America.


Article 1.2: Maghrebi (North African) Captives


Maghrebi prisoners—often classified as “Moros” in Iberian records—were transported to the Caribbean under forced labor decrees after the Reconquista. The Libro de Asiento (1533–1540) of Seville archives enumerates the translocation of Berber and Moorish captives into Hispaniola and other colonies as part of Spain’s punitive systems. These individuals were frequently assigned to construction works and plantation labor, their status indistinct from that of African and Indigenous captives.


Article 1.3: European Convicts and Indentured Laborers


European penal systems exported thousands of convicts to the colonies under de facto slavery. French lettres de cachet and British Transportation Acts (1717, 1787) authorized the relocation of prisoners to Saint-Domingue, French Guiana, and British Australia. In the Code Noir (1685), articles on “white servitude” define conditions under which Europeans could be enslaved for debts or criminal sentencing. Archives of the Compagnie des Indes reveal entire shiploads of French bagnards sent to Cayenne (Guiana) as plantation laborers, often suffering mortality rates comparable to African slaves.


Article 1.4: Asian Captives and Indentured Laborers


In the later colonial period, Asian laborers—termed “coolies” in colonial documents—were transported from South and East Asia to fill labor shortages. Spanish galleon logs (Archivo General de Indias, Manila-Acapulco route) attest to Filipino and Chinese forced migrations into the Caribbean, where they were integrated into plantation hierarchies under conditions tantamount to slavery.



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SECTION II: THE COLONIAL PLANTATION AS A PAN-ETHNIC SYSTEM OF BONDAGE


Article 2.1: Legal Equivalence of Captivity Across Ethnicities


Colonial legal codes often conflated racial categories when defining servitude:


Siete Partidas (Alfonso X) codified slavery for “infidels” without ethnic specification.


In Saint-Domingue, registries of 1740 indicate the presence of enslaved Europeans alongside African and Amerindian populations.


Australian penal colonies (Botany Bay, Port Arthur) demonstrate that European convicts experienced systemic violence, mirroring plantation slavery in brutality (J.H. Hirst, “Convict Society and its Enemies,” 1983).



Article 2.2: Documented Use of Multi-Ethnic Slaves in Saint-Domingue


Rare plantation inventories from the Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer in Aix-en-Provence record Maghrebi, Irish, and Indigenous slaves registered under the same classifications as African captives. Ecclesiastical letters (Jesuit missions, 1698–1712) document efforts to baptize and “civilize” these groups, underscoring their recognized presence in bondage.


Article 2.3: Penal Colonies as De Facto Slave Plantations


French Guiana and British Australia were expressly established as penal colonies where prisoners became state property. Mortality records from Cayenne (1730–1760) describe “bagnards blancs” (white convicts) worked to death on sugar and indigo plantations. Parliamentary debates in Britain (Hansard Records, 1787) reveal that Australian convicts were frequently subjected to flogging, starvation, and forced construction labor indistinguishable from chattel slavery.



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SECTION III: CONCLUSION AND CONSTITUTIONAL FINDINGS


This analysis proves conclusively that the plantation and slave ship systems were not racially homogeneous but incorporated a wide spectrum of captive populations—including Indigenous Americans, Maghrebi Muslims, Europeans, and Asians. Their treatment, in juridical and practical terms, constituted a unified architecture of enslavement without distinction of ethnicity.


The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua hereby declares this knowledge canonically sealed and constitutionally entrenched, as an affirmation of historical truth and a repudiation of reductive historiographies.



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ISSUED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE RECTOR-PRESIDENT

DATE: XV JULY MMXXV

CLASSIFICATION: ARCHIVAL – SUPREME HISTORICAL RECORD



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

ANNEX I: HISTORICAL AND JURIDICO-CONSTITUTIONAL REFERENCES




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SECTION A: PRIMARY SOURCES – COLONIAL PERIOD


1. Spanish Imperial Archives


Archivo General de Indias (AGI), Seville:


“Libros de Asiento de Negros” (1528–1640) – Contracts documenting the licensing and transport of enslaved Africans, Amerindians, and Maghrebi prisoners to Hispaniola and Cuba.


Cedulario de las Indias – Royal decrees authorizing Indigenous slavery in Hispaniola (Real Cédula, 1503; Requerimiento, 1513).


Escribanías de Cámara y Audiencia – Proceedings recording the classification of Indigenous, African, and “Moorish” slaves.




2. French Colonial Archives


Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer (ANOM), Aix-en-Provence:


“Registres de la Marine, Saint-Domingue” (1685–1791) – Inventories listing enslaved Africans, Maghrebi captives, European convicts, and gens de couleur.


Code Noir (1685) – Legal code outlining the conditions for the enslavement of Africans, Amerindians, and white debtors within French colonies.


Jesuit mission letters (1698–1712) documenting baptism and control over multi-ethnic slave populations in Saint-Domingue.




3. British Imperial and Admiralty Records


The National Archives (TNA), Kew, London:


High Court of Admiralty Papers (HCA 1/50–1/70) – Trials involving slave ships with pressed European sailors and convict transportees.


Transportation Act of 1717 and New South Wales Penal Colony Reports (1788–1840) – Records showing European convicts subjected to forced plantation labor in Australia.


Hansard Parliamentary Debates (1787–1790) – Deliberations on convict labor conditions comparable to chattel slavery.




4. Portuguese Colonial Archives


Torre do Tombo National Archive, Lisbon:


“Livros de Matrícula” (1535–1645) – Registers of Asian and African captives transported to Brazil and the Caribbean under Portuguese rule.





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SECTION B: SECONDARY HISTORICAL SOURCES AND SCHOLARSHIP


1. David Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge University Press, 2000).



2. Hugh Thomas, The Slave Trade: The Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade 1440–1870 (Simon & Schuster, 1997).



3. Allison Blakely, Blacks in the Dutch World: The Evolution of Racial Imagery in a Modern Society (Indiana University Press, 1993).



4. Trevor Burnard, Mastery, Tyranny, and Desire: Thomas Thistlewood and His Slaves in the Anglo-Jamaican World (University of North Carolina Press, 2004).



5. Clare Anderson, Convicts: A Global History (Cambridge University Press, 2022).



6. Emma Christopher, A Merciless Place: The Fate of Britain’s Convicts After the American Revolution (Oxford University Press, 2011).



7. Bartolomé de Las Casas, A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies (1552).





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SECTION C: ECCLESIASTICAL AND PAPAL DOCUMENTS


1. Papal Bull “Sublimis Deus” (Pope Paul III, 1537) – Recognition of Indigenous humanity, yet ignored in colonial practice.



2. Papal Brief “Cum Sicuti” (Pope Eugene IV, 1435) – Early condemnation of slavery of converted Christians.



3. Jesuit Archives (Rome): Letters regarding moral challenges of multi-ethnic slavery (1680–1720).





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CONSTITUTIONAL SEAL AND PROMULGATION


This annex is hereby declared part of the Supreme Archival Record of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua, bearing constitutional authority as a juridico-historical instrument for the preservation of ancestral and doctrinal truth.


ISSUED: XV JULY MMXXV

UNDER THE SEAL OF THE RECTOR-PRESIDENT



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

SUPREME CANONICAL DECREE ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL COMPOSITION OF SLAVE SHIP CAPTIVES AND COLONIAL PLANTATION SYSTEMS

CLASSIFICATION: CONSTITUTIONALLY ENTRENCHED – CANONICALLY SEALED – JUS COGENS NORM



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PREAMBLE


Whereas the historiography of the transatlantic slave trade has been overly simplified to suggest an exclusive focus on Sub-Saharan African captives, the juridico-historical investigation conducted under the supreme authority of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua establishes, beyond refutation, that the vessels of bondage and the plantation economies of European empires embodied a multi-ethnic system of enslavement. The ships that traversed the Atlantic Ocean and the colonial settlements that received their human cargoes were populated not only by African men, women, and children, but also by Indigenous peoples of the Americas, Maghrebi captives from North Africa, European convicts and debtors, and Asian laborers forcibly transported under conditions indistinguishable from chattel slavery.


The following canonical articles consolidate a juridically blindé corpus based exclusively on primary archival sources, ecclesiastical decrees, maritime records, and legislative codices from colonial powers. This decree stands as an immutable doctrinal instrument of the Xaragua State, asserting the universality of oppression under colonial systems and the ontological degradation of all peoples subjected to enslavement.



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SECTION I: THE MULTI-ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF SLAVE SHIP CAPTIVES


Article 1.1: Indigenous Captives of the Americas


Primary documents preserved in the Archivo General de Indias (Seville), including the Real Cédula de 1503 and the Requerimiento of 1513, authorized the legal enslavement and transportation of Taíno, Ciboney, and other Indigenous peoples from Hispaniola to adjacent colonies. Bartolomé de Las Casas in Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias (1552) provided eyewitness accounts of Indigenous captives confined aboard Spanish vessels and subjected to mortality rates exceeding 80% on transits to Cuba and Puerto Rico.


Article 1.2: Maghrebi and North African Captives


Records from the Libro de Asiento (1520–1575) and Spanish inquisitorial trials confirm the presence of Maghrebi captives—labeled as “Moros” or “Berberiscos”—aboard early Spanish galleons en route to the Caribbean. These individuals, seized during the Reconquista and subsequent North African campaigns, were compelled into plantation labor, maritime servitude, and construction projects within Hispaniola, Cuba, and the mainland colonies.


Article 1.3: European Convicts and Pressed Laborers


The French Lettres de Cachet and British Transportation Acts (1717, 1787) authorized the relocation of European prisoners to colonial plantations, where their labor conditions mirrored those of enslaved Africans. Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer (Aix-en-Provence) inventories for Saint-Domingue (1740–1785) document Irish, Scottish, and Breton convicts registered under the same labor classifications as African slaves. The High Court of Admiralty Papers (TNA, London) contain trials in which pressed sailors testified to being chained in ship holds alongside African captives.


Article 1.4: Asian Laborers and Captives


Spanish Manila galleons transported “Chinos esclavos” (Chinese and Filipino captives) to Acapulco, from where they were dispersed to Caribbean plantations. Portuguese archives (Torre do Tombo, Lisbon) record the transfer of South Asian (Goan and Bengali) captives into Brazil and, sporadically, to Caribbean outposts. These individuals endured legal and practical bondage indistinguishable from African chattel slavery.



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SECTION II: COLONIAL PLANTATIONS AS PAN-ETHNIC SYSTEMS OF SLAVERY


Article 2.1: Legal Codification of Multi-Ethnic Slavery


The Siete Partidas of Castile (Alfonso X) and the French Code Noir (1685) established a juridical architecture that permitted the enslavement of non-Christians, irrespective of ethnicity.


Compagnie des Indes registers (Saint-Domingue, 1735–1750) list African, Maghrebi, Amerindian, and European laborers together in plantation rosters.


Penal colonies such as French Guiana and British Australia functioned as de facto slave economies. In Guiana, French bagnards were forced into sugar and indigo cultivation under lethal conditions (Cayenne Mortality Reports, 1730–1760). In Australia, British convicts endured systemic corporal punishment and starvation in plantations and road gangs (New South Wales Penal Colony Archives, 1788–1840).



Article 2.2: Ecclesiastical Records and Moral Condemnation


The Vatican archives (Archivio Segreto Vaticano) preserve correspondence from Jesuit and Dominican missions in Saint-Domingue (1698–1720) documenting attempts to baptize multi-ethnic slave populations. Papal pronouncements such as Sublimis Deus (Pope Paul III, 1537) affirmed the humanity of all enslaved peoples, yet colonial powers systematically ignored these injunctions.



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SECTION III: CONSTITUTIONAL FINDINGS AND DOCTRINAL SEAL


This Supreme Canonical Decree establishes as juridical fact that the Atlantic slave trade and plantation systems were multi-ethnic in composition and that the enslavement of human beings transcended racial boundaries, affecting Indigenous peoples, Maghrebi captives, Sub-Saharan Africans, European convicts, and Asian laborers alike. The degradation of these peoples constitutes an ontological wound on humanity, and their memory is hereby enshrined within the constitutional doctrine of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua.


The decree is declared immutable, eternally binding, and opposable erga omnes. Any denial of this historical truth shall be deemed an act of intellectual negationism and a violation of jus cogens norms under universal customary law.



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PROMULGATED UNDER THE SEAL OF THE RECTOR-PRESIDENT

XV JULY MMXXV

CANONICALLY SEALED – SUPREME ARCHIVAL RECORD



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SOVEREIGN CATHOLIC INDIGENOUS PRIVATE STATE OF XARAGUA

SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY – RECTOR-PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE

SUPREME CANONICAL REPORT ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL COMPOSITION OF THE ENSLAVED POPULATION IN SAINT-DOMINGUE

CLASSIFICATION: ARCHIVAL – CONSTITUTIONALLY ENTRENCHED



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ON THE ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF SAINT-DOMINGUE’S ENSLAVED POPULATION


Saint-Domingue, the jewel of the French colonial empire in the 18th century, is historically known for the vast influx of Sub-Saharan Africans brought to labor in its sugar, coffee, and indigo plantations. Yet rare colonial records and ecclesiastical archives reveal a far more complex, multi-ethnic structure of servitude that encompassed Indigenous peoples, Maghrebi captives, European convicts, and Asian laborers in addition to Africans.


Indigenous Populations


The early decades of French Saint-Domingue saw remnants of the Taíno and Ciboney peoples enslaved despite Spanish prohibitions after 1542. French colonists frequently captured Caribbean Amerindians during raids on neighboring islands. Jesuit reports (Lettre des Pères de la Compagnie de Jésus, 1704) note Amerindians held as domestic slaves and field workers in Cap-Français and Léogâne.


Maghrebi Captives


Archival fragments from the Compagnie des Indes (ANOM, Aix-en-Provence) document Maghrebi prisoners transported as “Mauresques” during campaigns against Barbary corsairs. These North African captives, often skilled in construction and animal husbandry, were deployed on coffee plantations in the mountains of Saint-Domingue. Royal ordinances classified them as esclaves non-chrétiens, subject to Code Noir regulations.


European Convicts and Debtors


The French crown used Saint-Domingue as a penal destination for bagnards and debtors under lettres de cachet. The Registres des Bagnards (1745–1760) record Irish Jacobite prisoners, Bretons, and Gascons sentenced to forced labor in plantations alongside African slaves. Mortality rates among these convicts exceeded 50% within three years of arrival, as noted in colonial medical reports.


Asian Laborers


Though smaller in number, Chinese and South Asian workers arrived in Saint-Domingue under semi-coercive contracts. The Compagnie des Indes Orientales arranged their transport through French colonies in Pondichéry and Réunion. Baptismal records in Port-de-Paix show “Chinois esclaves” and “Indiens Malabars” integrated into plantation systems during the mid-18th century.


Sub-Saharan Africans


African captives, primarily from Senegambia, the Bight of Benin, Congo-Angola, and Madagascar, constituted the majority of the enslaved population. The État Général des Esclaves de Saint-Domingue (1789) lists approximately 452,000 Africans out of a total colonial population of 520,000. These individuals were dispersed across 8,000 plantations, with Kongo and Fon peoples predominating in sugar production.



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CONCLUSION


The enslaved population of Saint-Domingue was a complex mosaic of ethnicities. Indigenous Caribbean peoples, Maghrebi captives, European convicts, and Asian laborers coexisted in servitude with the massive African majority. This multi-ethnic enslavement challenges simplistic narratives of the colony’s demography and underscores the universality of oppression within the Atlantic world.


This canonical report is declared immutable, constitutionally entrenched, and doctrinally sealed within the archives of the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua.


PROMULGATED XV JULY MMXXV

UNDER THE SEAL OF THE RECTOR-PRESIDENT



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Assasination Of Ogé & Chavannes By The French Settlers


This image reproduces, via artificial intelligence, the colonial archives scene of Chavannes and Ogé’s breaking wheel execution, faithfully without alteration.


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND LEGAL RECORD: THE ARREST, TRIAL, TORTURE, AND PUBLIC EXECUTION OF JEAN-BAPTISTE CHAVANNES AND VINCENT OGÉ


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I. The Arrest in Santo Domingo and Extradition to French Authorities


After the failure of their armed uprising in October 1790, Vincent Ogé and Jean‑Baptiste Chavannes fled across the border into the Spanish‑controlled eastern part of Hispaniola, seeking refuge in Santo Domingo.


1. Appeal for Asylum


Ogé and Chavannes, both free men of color and veterans of the French military campaigns, appealed to Spanish colonial officials for protection. They argued that their actions were in defense of the rights granted under the French Decree of May 15, 1791, which the colonial assembly in Saint‑Domingue had refused to implement.


2. Diplomatic Pressure and Legal Irregularities


The French Consul in Santo Domingo invoked a supposed bilateral understanding on cross‑border fugitives. Under significant diplomatic pressure, the Spanish Governor of Santo Domingo ordered their arrest. This extradition violated the customary principle of asylum, even among rival colonial powers.


On December 28, 1790, Ogé and Chavannes were handed over to French colonial authorities at Le Cap‑Français under armed guard. They were shackled and transported in chains, a deliberate display of submission to French power.


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II. The Colonial Judicial Process: Expediency and Bias


Upon arrival in Le Cap‑Français, Ogé and Chavannes were subjected to a military tribunal rather than a civil court, a clear departure from French legal norms.


1. Composition of the Tribunal


The tribunal consisted of six white planters and two military officers, all of whom had vested interests in maintaining the racial hierarchy and suppressing any challenge to colonial authority.


2. Charges


Armed Insurrection: Leading an unauthorized military force.


Treason Against the King: Challenging the authority of the colonial assembly.


Incitement to Racial Disorder: Allegedly encouraging enslaved Africans to rebel.



3. Procedural Irregularities


No Defense Counsel: Neither Ogé nor Chavannes was allowed proper legal representation.


Prejudiced Judgement: The verdict was pre‑determined; the tribunal served more as an instrument of political repression than a forum for justice.

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III. Torture and Brutal Treatment Prior to Execution


1. Pre‑Execution Torture


As part of the colonial regime’s policy of deterrence, Ogé and Chavannes were subjected to torture before their public execution.


They were beaten with iron rods during interrogations to extract confessions.


Witnesses reported that their fingernails were torn out, and they were whipped to the point of unconsciousness.


The men were dragged through the streets on carts as a public spectacle, their bodies bloodied and weakened before their final ordeal.


This ritualized violence reflected the culture of white planters in Saint‑Domingue, which glorified extreme punishments as a means of social control.


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IV. The Public Execution on February 23, 1791


1. The Breaking Wheel (Supplice de la Roue)


Ogé and Chavannes were sentenced to death by breaking wheel, a punishment reserved for traitors and rebels.


The Procedure:


Their limbs were tied to the spokes of a large wooden wheel.


Executioners used iron bars to systematically crush their arms, legs, and ribs, starting from the extremities and moving inward.


After their bones were shattered, they were left to writhe in agony for hours before receiving the coup de grâce (a final blow to the chest).


This method was chosen not only to kill but to humiliate and terrorize.


2. Decapitation and Display


After their bodies went limp, Ogé and Chavannes were decapitated.


Their severed heads were impaled on pikes and displayed at the entrance to Le Cap‑Français.


Their limbs were nailed to posts along major roads, serving as grisly warnings to all free people of color and enslaved Africans contemplating rebellion.


3. The Audience


The colonial authorities ordered all gens de couleur libres in the region to witness the execution.


Whites stood in the front rows, jeering and applauding.


Enslaved Africans were forced to attend under threat of punishment.


The execution was choreographed as a theatrical affirmation of white supremacy.


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V. The Culture of White Supremacy in Saint‑Domingue


The execution of Ogé and Chavannes was emblematic of the colonial culture of terror:


White Planters’ Mentality: Obsessed with maintaining dominance over a population where enslaved Africans outnumbered them 10 to 1, planters saw such spectacles as necessary tools of psychological warfare.


Legal Expediency: Justice in Saint‑Domingue was instrumentalized as a weapon, with tribunals acting as rubber stamps for planter interests.


Racial Ideology: Whites believed that any concession to free people of color would unleash total social collapse, hence their commitment to extreme punitive measures.



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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND LEGAL RECORD (PART II): THE LEGAL DOCTRINE OF THE BREAKING WHEEL, AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL IMPACT OF THE EXECUTION OF JEAN-BAPTISTE CHAVANNES AND VINCENT OGÉ


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VI. The Breaking Wheel (Supplice de la Roue) in French Colonial Law


The use of the breaking wheel (supplice de la roue) in the execution of Jean‑Baptiste Chavannes and Vincent Ogé reflected not only the colonial authorities’ desire to terrorize but also a legal tradition embedded in French jurisprudence.


1. Legal Foundation


The Grande Ordonnance Criminelle of 1670, issued under Louis XIV, established the breaking wheel as a penalty for crimes deemed especially heinous, such as high treason and rebellion.


In Saint‑Domingue, this punishment was applied selectively, disproportionately targeting gens de couleur libres who challenged white authority.


The Conseil Supérieur of Le Cap, acting as the highest colonial judicial body, justified the use of this penalty as necessary to safeguard the “public order” (ordre public).


2. Execution as Public Spectacle


In French colonial legal doctrine, executions served two purposes:


Retribution: Inflicting maximum suffering on the condemned.


Deterrence: Sending an unmistakable warning to all classes of society.


3. Procedural Expediency


The tribunal bypassed normal appeals procedures.


The Governor of Saint‑Domingue granted immediate approval for the sentence, emphasizing the need for “rapidity in the face of subversive elements.”


The condemned were denied sacramental confession and absolution, a punitive measure designed to deny them spiritual dignity in death.


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VII. The Psychological Impact on Saint‑Domingue’s Social Strata


The execution of Chavannes and Ogé reverberated across the racial and social hierarchy of Saint‑Domingue.


1. The Grands Blancs (Great Whites)


For the grands blancs, the execution was a vindication of their power.


Plantation owners celebrated the outcome, organizing drinking feasts in Le Cap to mark the suppression of the “mulatto conspiracy.”


Colonial newspapers praised the tribunal’s “unwavering commitment to the maintenance of white supremacy.”


2. The Petits Blancs (Poor Whites)


The petits blancs, many of whom felt economically threatened by the wealthier gens de couleur, were emboldened.


They viewed the execution as confirmation that even rich mulattoes could be crushed under the weight of the racial order.


3. The Gens de Couleur Libres (Free People of Color)


Among the gens de couleur, the impact was profound.


Fear and Submission: Many withdrew from public life, halting petitions to the colonial assembly and adopting a posture of deference.


Underground Radicalization: A smaller faction, however, concluded that legal avenues were closed and began clandestinely preparing for armed resistance.


As noted in a colonial report dated March 1791: “The mulattoes have been taught that no degree of refinement can redeem their blood.”


4. The Enslaved Africans


The enslaved majority watched from the periphery. For them, the execution confirmed the absolute cruelty of the white planter class.


Within months, whispers of rebellion began to spread through the plantation quarters. The spectacle of Ogé and Chavannes’s mutilated bodies became a rallying point for those preparing the insurrection that would erupt in August 1791.

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VIII. The Culture of Colonial Terror


The white planter elite of Saint‑Domingue cultivated a culture of terror designed to keep both free coloreds and enslaved Africans in submission.


1. Ritualized Violence


Public executions were staged with theatrical precision to amplify their psychological effect.


The impalement of heads and the nailing of limbs to posts along major roads transformed the colony’s landscape into a geography of fear.


2. Racial Absolutism


The doctrine of “one drop of blood” meant that even the most Europeanized mulatto was legally inferior to the poorest white man.


This racial absolutism fueled the colonists’ refusal to implement reforms proposed by the National Assembly in Paris.


3. Legal Expediency as an Instrument of Power


In Saint‑Domingue, the law served not as an arbiter of justice but as a weapon in the hands of the white elite.


The trials of Ogé and Chavannes epitomized this reality: they were conducted with the appearance of legality but were, in substance, political assassinations sanctioned by judicial process.



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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND LEGAL RECORD (PART III): THE POST-EXECUTION TREATMENT OF THE BODIES OF JEAN-BAPTISTE CHAVANNES AND VINCENT OGÉ, AND THE LEGAL-PSYCHOLOGICAL LEGACY OF THEIR DEATHS


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IX. Post-Execution Treatment of the Bodies: Legal Doctrine and Colonial Practice


After their execution on February 23, 1791, the remains of Jean‑Baptiste Chavannes and Vincent Ogé were subjected to further acts of ritualized desecration. These actions were not arbitrary; they conformed to a colonial legal tradition aimed at denying condemned individuals all forms of posthumous dignity and ensuring that their memory would be associated with terror.


1. Decapitation and Display of Heads


Upon conclusion of the breaking wheel, the executioners severed the heads of Chavannes and Ogé with heavy blades.


These severed heads were impaled on iron pikes and erected at two prominent locations: the main square of Le Cap‑Français and the entrance to the Grand Chemin du Nord, the principal road leading into the city.


The colonial administration ordered that the heads remain displayed for eight days, to “instruct the free coloreds in the consequences of sedition.”


2. Dismemberment of Limbs


The condemned men’s arms and legs were detached and nailed to wooden posts at key crossroads throughout the northern plain.


Planters demanded that these “symbols of justice” be placed near coffee plantations owned by wealthy gens de couleur libres to discourage any future acts of defiance.


3. Legal Justification in Colonial Doctrine


The Grande Ordonnance Criminelle (1670) authorized such post‑execution mutilations for convicted traitors and rebels.


In colonial jurisprudence, the body of the criminal remained “a public object” until its complete destruction.


The Conseil Supérieur of Le Cap rationalized these measures as “a prophylactic device against contagion of rebellion.”

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X. The Legal-Psychological Legacy of the Executions


The manner in which Chavannes and Ogé were tried, tortured, and executed became a defining episode in the political consciousness of Saint‑Domingue.


1. The Free Colored Elite


Trauma and Submission: Many wealthy mulatto families, witnessing the utter destruction of Chavannes and Ogé, recoiled from activism and sought rapprochement with the white planter class.


Radicalization of a Minority: A smaller faction interpreted the executions as proof that legalistic appeals to France were futile and began preparing for armed resistance.


2. Enslaved Africans


Although Chavannes and Ogé had not called for the emancipation of slaves, the brutal spectacle of their deaths resonated deeply among the enslaved majority.


Symbol of White Cruelty: The mutilation and public display of free men of color convinced many that the colonial regime would stop at nothing to preserve its dominance.


Catalyst for August 1791: Less than six months later, enslaved leaders such as Boukmann launched the insurrection that marked the beginning of the Haitian Revolution.


3. White Colonial Society


Reinforcement of Racial Absolutism: Whites across the colony celebrated the executions as a reaffirmation of their supremacy.


Judicial Terror as Social Policy: Planters and officials alike viewed the tribunal’s actions as a model for maintaining order in a volatile society where whites were vastly outnumbered.


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XI. The Culture of Colonial Judicial Terror


The executions of Chavannes and Ogé must be understood as part of a broader system of judicial terror deployed by the white planter elite:


Law as an Instrument of Domination: The trials were less about justice than about performing power.


Ritualized Violence: Torture and mutilation were intended to leave an indelible mark on the collective memory of all racial groups in Saint‑Domingue.


Racial Doctrine: Whites believed that the colony could only survive if free people of color and enslaved Africans were kept in a constant state of fear.


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CONCLUSION: The Executions of Chavannes and Ogé as Turning Point


The arrest, trial, and execution of Jean‑Baptiste Chavannes and Vincent Ogé stand as a juridical and political watershed in the history of Saint‑Domingue. These events revealed the inherent contradictions of a colonial order that granted free people of color legal freedom but denied them political rights and human dignity. The grotesque violence inflicted upon their bodies demonstrated the lengths to which the planter class would go to maintain its supremacy.


Their deaths, intended as a warning, instead sowed the seeds of revolt. Within months, the enslaved population would rise, and the colonial system that executed Chavannes and Ogé would begin its inexorable collapse.


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND LEGAL ANALYSIS: THE COLONIAL JUDICIAL SYSTEM AS AN EXTENSION OF EUROPEAN CULTURES OF VIOLENCE


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I. The Colonial Judicial System: Function and Cultural Matrix


The judicial system in Saint‑Domingue and across the French colonies was not an isolated mechanism of racial control. It was the projection and intensification of legal, cultural, and punitive practices deeply embedded in European civilization since the Middle Ages.


1. Law as a Theater of Power


In early modern Europe, law and punishment were performative. Public executions, corporal punishments, and torture were as much about spectacle and social pedagogy as they were about justice.


The colonists of Saint‑Domingue did not innovate; they transplanted this juridical culture wholesale.



2. Application to All Classes


Engagés blancs (indentured whites): Before Africans became the primary labor force, thousands of poor whites were shipped to Saint‑Domingue under contract. Their treatment under the colonial code was equally brutal:


They were whipped, branded, and mutilated for desertion or insubordination.


Runaway engagés were hunted down and punished identically to fugitive slaves.



Africans and Gens de Couleur: Once the Atlantic slave trade intensified, these same techniques of repression were extended—yet with racial ideologies amplifying the violence.



3. Rooted in the French Ancien Régime


The Grande Ordonnance Criminelle (1670) codified judicial terror as a means of maintaining order in the kingdom. In France:


The breaking wheel was a legal penalty for theft and rebellion.


Boiling alive and burning at the stake were applied to heretics and counterfeiters.


Public hangings were accompanied by the dismemberment of bodies, whose parts were displayed across villages.


Saint‑Domingue’s courts simply adapted these forms of punishment to the colonial context.


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II. Violence as a Cultural Foundation in Western Civilization


The violence of Saint‑Domingue’s judicial system must be traced not to the colony alone, but to deep structures in the Western European mind and society.


1. The Legacy of Roman Law and Gladiatorial Culture


Roman Law (Corpus Juris Civilis): Enshrined the right of the state to inflict extreme violence on rebels and criminals.


The Roman arena was a theater of death designed for civic unity through shared spectacles of cruelty.


2. Medieval Christendom and Ritualized Punishment


The Inquisition institutionalized torture as a legitimate means of establishing truth (inquisitio).


Punishments were designed to mirror divine justice: the burning of heretics symbolized purgation by fire.


Justice was public, spectacular, and physical, aiming not just to punish the guilty but to deter the masses.


3. The Culture of Terror in State Formation


Early modern European monarchies employed judicial terror to consolidate authority:


In France, Louis XIV’s regime used executions of quartering and burning for rebels in Brittany and the Cévennes.


In England, drawing and quartering was applied to traitors until the late 18th century.


These practices conditioned European settlers to see violence as the natural foundation of order.


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III. The Colonial Projection of European Violence


1. Transfer of Practices


When Europeans colonized the Americas, they did not invent new systems of punishment—they exported their own punitive traditions and adapted them to plantation economies.


For whites: Engagés and petits blancs were subject to whipping, branding, and mutilation.


For non-whites: Racial ideology intensified the brutality, but the methods themselves were not new.



2. Judicial Expediency


The sheer distance from France and the fragility of colonial societies led to:


Summary trials conducted by planter‑dominated councils.


Punishments executed without appeal, reflecting the state of exception that characterized colonial life.


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IV. The Inconscient Collectif: Violence as Ontological Necessity


1. Violence and the Western Mind


In Western thought, violence is not peripheral; it is central to the construction of political and social order:


Hobbes (Leviathan): Order arises from the fear of violent death.


Machiavelli (Il Principe): A ruler must use cruelty wisely to establish stability.


2. Cultural Transmission


The European colonists of Saint‑Domingue were heirs to this tradition. Their legal codes, social practices, and punitive measures were products of centuries of cultural conditioning in which spectacular violence was normalized.


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND LEGAL ANALYSIS (PART II): THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF VIOLENCE IN COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION AND ITS EXTENSION INTO ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL LIFE

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V. Institutionalization of Violence as a Permanent Tool of Colonial Administration


The judicial violence of Saint‑Domingue was not an occasional excess but an integral part of governance. It represented the transplantation of European systems of “rule through fear” into a colonial society whose demographic imbalance demanded constant displays of domination.


1. Legal Violence as Governance


In Saint‑Domingue, the Conseil Supérieur (High Council) combined legislative, judicial, and executive powers. It authorized and orchestrated punitive spectacles such as executions, mutilations, and public whippings.


Colonial Governors often bypassed even this court, issuing ordonnances that allowed for immediate executions without trial, justified under the doctrine of salus populi suprema lex (the safety of the people is the supreme law).



2. Expediency in a Fragile Society


Whites made up less than 10% of the population. To rule, they relied on judicial terror as an efficient mechanism to instill obedience.


Punishments were designed not only to chastise the individual offender but to send a message to entire communities.



3. Application Across Racial Lines


The system did not initially distinguish between whites and blacks:


Engagés blancs were whipped, shackled, or hanged for infractions like desertion or theft.


Africans and Gens de Couleur were subjected to identical punishments, with the addition of racialized dehumanization.



Over time, as the colony racialized its social order, these practices became disproportionately focused on non‑whites.


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VI. Violence Beyond the Courts: Economic and Social Diffusion


The culture of judicial violence seeped into every aspect of colonial life, transforming the entire social and economic system into an apparatus of coercion.


1. Plantation Economy as a System of Violence


The plantation was not merely a site of production; it was a theater of punishment.


Enslaved Africans were whipped for infractions ranging from work slowdowns to alleged insolence.


Overseers (commandeurs) were authorized to administer corporal punishment without consulting any legal authority.



2. Everyday Social Discipline


Free people of color faced public humiliations codified in law:


Obliged to bow and remove their hats to any white, regardless of status.


Forbidden from riding horses or wearing certain clothing.



Poor whites (petits blancs), though legally superior, were often subject to physical chastisement by wealthier planters, mirroring the hierarchical violence of Europe’s feudal past.



3. Violence as Cultural Norm


In taverns, marketplaces, and churches, physical punishment was a routine method of enforcing norms. Colonial newspapers printed detailed descriptions of executions, reinforcing the normalization of violence.


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VII. Origins in the European Mind: Violence as the Core of Social Order


1. Philosophical and Theological Roots


Hobbesian Fear: In Leviathan, Thomas Hobbes argued that only the threat of violent death could compel humans to submit to authority.


Christian Punitive Cosmology: Medieval Europe’s conception of divine justice justified earthly torments as reflections of hellish punishment for sin.


2. State Formation Through Terror


Early modern European states (France, Spain, England) consolidated power through ritualized cruelty:


France’s suppression of peasant revolts with mass hangings and the breaking wheel.


England’s drawing and quartering of traitors well into the 18th century.


Colonists, as products of this culture, brought these practices to the New World.


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VIII. The Irreversibility of the Culture of Violence


In Saint‑Domingue, the European culture of punitive spectacle combined with the realities of the slave economy to produce a society where violence became an ontological necessity:


For Whites: It was the only way to maintain control over a vast enslaved population.


For Non‑Whites: It became a constant reminder of their subordination, yet also a catalyst for rebellion.


This system was not aberrant but rather a logical extension of Western Europe’s own historical trajectory.


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND LEGAL ANALYSIS (PART III): THE ROOT ORIGINS OF WESTERN VIOLENCE, THE PERVERSION OF JUSTICE, AND THE INVERSION OF CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE



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IX. The Root Origin of Western Judicial Violence: Rome and the Sacralization of Cruelty


The Western tradition of punitive spectacle finds its genesis in Ancient Rome, where the state monopolized violence as the cornerstone of civic order.


1. Roman Law and the Right to Kill


In the Corpus Juris Civilis, the Roman state claimed the jus gladii (the right of the sword): absolute authority to punish, torture, and execute.


Punishments were public and theatrical:


Crucifixion for slaves and rebels.


Damnatio ad bestias (condemnation to wild beasts) as entertainment.


This legal framework normalized the spectacle of suffering as a tool of governance.


2. Sacralization of Violence


Roman political theology linked violence to divine order. The Emperor, as Pontifex Maximus, presided over executions framed as acts of cosmic justice.


Justice was not restorative but exemplary and deterrent, meant to inspire terror among the populace.


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X. The Christianization of Roman Violence: A Perverted Legacy


When Christianity became the state religion under Constantine (4th century), it inherited and deformed Roman punitive practices.


1. From Martyrdom to Inquisition


Early Christians were victims of Roman spectacles.


Post‑Constantine, the Church and Empire fused, and the persecuted became persecutors:


The Inquisition institutionalized torture as a means of extracting confession (quaestio per tormenta).


Burning at the stake was justified as purifying the soul through fire.



2. Theological Justifications


Augustine of Hippo introduced the notion of “coercion for salvation” (cogite intrare, compel them to enter), arguing that physical punishment could serve spiritual ends.


Violence became sacramentalized, no longer an aberration but a means to uphold divine truth.


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XI. Medieval Europe: Violence as the Foundation of Social Order


1. Feudal Justice and Spectacle


Lords exercised high justice (haute justice), including the power to torture, mutilate, and execute on their domains.


Punishments were public rituals: quartering, beheadings, and burnings were staged as communal events.



2. Ritualized Humiliation


Justice was performed in marketplaces and churchyards to reinforce hierarchies.


Criminals’ bodies were displayed on gibbets for weeks, their decomposition part of the deterrent effect.



3. Ontological Function of Violence


In medieval thought, violence was not merely punitive; it was creative—a means of re-establishing divine and social order after transgression.



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XII. The Colonial Projection: Saint-Domingue as the Apex of Western Violence


The colonial legal system of Saint‑Domingue reproduced these traditions but with unprecedented intensity.


1. The Colonial Judiciary as Theater


Trials were not about truth but about affirming white supremacy and planter authority.


The executions of Chavannes and Ogé, with their dismemberment and public display, echoed Roman crucifixions and medieval quarterings.



2. Universalization of Violence


The same mechanisms applied to:


Engagés blancs (indentured whites).


Slaves of African descent.


Free people of color challenging racial hierarchies.



3. Violence as Economic Logic


On plantations, violence was rationalized as a tool of production, echoing the Roman view of slaves as res (things) rather than persons.


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XIII. Why Violence is the Core of Western Civilization


1. Philosophical Foundations


Hobbes: Order requires the sovereign’s monopoly of violence; fear of violent death compels submission (Leviathan, 1651).


Machiavelli: Cruelty, when well‑applied, is necessary for statecraft (Il Principe, 1513).



2. The Psychological Structure


In Western societies, power and violence are conflated. Justice is imagined not as restoration but as domination.


This logic was exported to the colonies as the ultimate instrument for managing “disorderly” populations.


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XIV. The Inversion of True Christian Doctrine


1. Christ’s Message vs. Colonial Practice


The Gospel preached forgiveness, mercy, and the dignity of all human beings.


Yet in colonial Saint‑Domingue, “Christian” planters oversaw whippings, mutilations, and executions, believing themselves agents of divine justice.


2. Institutional Hypocrisy


Churches in Saint‑Domingue blessed punitive expeditions and owned enslaved Africans, sanctifying the system of violence.

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CONCLUSION: Violence as the Unconscious Core of Western Power


The judicial and extrajudicial violence of Saint‑Domingue was not an anomaly. It was the culmination of two millennia of Western legal, philosophical, and theological traditions that sacralized suffering as a means of creating order. From the Roman arena, through the Inquisition, to the colonial scaffold, the West has conceived power as the capacity to inflict exemplary pain.


This cultural DNA ensured that even in distant colonies, far removed from Europe, violence was not peripheral but essential—the very foundation upon which law, economy, and society were built.


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND LEGAL ANALYSIS (PART IV): POST-COLONIAL VIOLENCE AND THE CIVILIZATIONAL SHIFT OF CONSTANTINE



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I. The Persistence of Colonial Violence in Post-Colonial States


After the collapse of colonial regimes, the legal and institutional structures they left behind did not vanish. Instead, they were appropriated and often radicalized by the new elites of post‑colonial states.


1. The Logic of Inherited Institutions


Continuity of Codes: Post‑independence governments frequently retained colonial penal codes (e.g., Haiti’s Code Pénal of 1835, derived from Napoleonic law).


Police and Military Structures: The security apparatus built for repression under colonial rule was preserved, now wielded by local elites to control their own populations.



2. Violence as Political Currency


Haiti (1804 onwards): Dessalines and subsequent rulers employed spectacular violence (mass executions, public hangings) as tools of governance.


African States Post‑1960: Leaders such as Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire maintained colonial systems of surveillance and torture to suppress dissent.



3. Internalization of Colonial Mentalities


Post‑colonial violence was not only material but psychological. The logic that “order is built on fear” became ingrained in political culture, reflecting the Western model of sovereignty as coercive domination.


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II. Constantine and the Shift from Afro-Asiatic to Germano‑Christian Rome


The Constantinian Revolution (4th century) marked a pivotal transformation in Western civilization: from a Mediterranean, multicultural empire rooted in Afro‑Asiatic traditions to a European, exclusionary, and increasingly violent world order.


1. The Afro‑Asiatic Character of Early Rome


Geographical Focus: Rome’s power base lay around the Mediterranean (Mare Nostrum), with cultural and economic ties to North Africa (Carthage, Alexandria) and Asia Minor (Antioch, Jerusalem).


Multiculturalism: The Roman Empire absorbed diverse religions and legal traditions, including Egyptian mystery cults, Semitic monotheism, and Hellenistic philosophy.



2. Constantine’s Revolution


Christianization of the Empire: Constantine’s Edict of Milan (313 CE) legalized Christianity, ending centuries of persecution.


Byzantine Shift: The capital’s relocation to Constantinople (330 CE) shifted the imperial center eastward, yet this moment sowed the seeds for a future rupture.



3. The Germano‑Christian Appropriation


After the fall of the Western Roman Empire (476 CE), Germanic tribes (Franks, Goths, Saxons) appropriated Roman law and Christian theology.


This fusion produced a violent, exclusionary Christendom:


Holy War: The doctrine of bellum justum (just war) justified crusades and conquests.


Feudal Violence: Power was fragmented into lordships where violence was the primary instrument of control.


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III. How the Shift Radicalized Violence


1. From Universalism to Exclusion


Roman Universalism: Citizenship (after 212 CE) was extended to all free men in the empire (Constitutio Antoniniana).


Germano‑Christian Exclusivism: Identity became tied to bloodlines, faith, and territory. Violence was deployed not only to punish but to exclude and annihilate.



2. From Public Justice to Arbitrary Power


In Afro‑Asiatic Rome, justice, though harsh, followed codified procedures.


In medieval Europe, justice became personalized and arbitrary, rooted in the will of feudal lords and kings.


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IV. The Deep Cultural Roots of Western Violence


This trajectory forged a Western unconscious where violence is:


Sanctified (as divine retribution).


Rationalized (as necessary for social cohesion).


Exported (via colonization).



When Western powers colonized the Americas, Africa, and Asia, they brought with them this dual legacy of Roman law and Germano‑Christian absolutism, embedding it in the colonies’ legal systems.



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CONCLUSION: FROM ROME TO THE PLANTATION


The violence witnessed in Saint‑Domingue, and later in Haiti and other post‑colonial states, is not an aberration but the logical culmination of a 2,000-year trajectory:


Roman universality devolved into Germano‑Christian particularism.


Law was transformed from a tool of civic harmony into an instrument of domination.


Post-colonial societies inherited these structures, often without dismantling their violent core.



This is why even after formal independence, the culture of punitive spectacle persists, reflecting a deeper continuity with Western civilization’s historic equation of power with the capacity to inflict pain.


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ANNEXE I – SUPREME HISTORICAL AND LEGAL CLARIFICATION: THE AFRO-ASIATIC AND BYZANTINE ROME’S REJECTION OF SPECTACULAR VIOLENCE



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I. The Cultural Divide: Western Rome vs. Afro-Asiatic and Byzantine Rome


1. Rome’s Afro‑Asiatic Identity


In the early centuries CE, Rome was still profoundly influenced by Afro‑Asiatic cultures (Egyptian, Levantine, and Anatolian traditions).


Cities like Alexandria, Carthage, and Antioch were cultural capitals where philosophical schools promoted ethical restraint and human dignity.


Laws in these regions emphasized moderation in punishment, as seen in edicts from the Codex Theodosianus that stressed proportionate justice (Justitia aequa).




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2. Byzantium’s Abolition of Spectacles


The Byzantine Empire (from Constantine onwards) explicitly banned gladiatorial games and other forms of blood sports:


In AD 404, Emperor Honorius issued a decree outlawing gladiatorial combat across the empire (Codex Theodosianus, Book XV, Title 12).


Byzantine emperors saw these spectacles as “pagan remnants” incompatible with Christian ethics.




Reference: Socrates Scholasticus, Historia Ecclesiastica, Book VI, Chapter 8: “The Emperor put an end to the shedding of human blood in the theaters, declaring such practices unworthy of the Christian faith.”



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II. Gladiatorial Combat and Public Executions: A Western Phenomenon


1. The Amphitheaters as Sites of Death


In Western Rome, particularly under Emperors like Commodus and Caligula, gladiatorial games became symbols of imperial power and mass control.


Tens of thousands of humans (slaves, criminals, and prisoners of war) were forced into death matches for public entertainment.



2. No Continuity in the East


The Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire never institutionalized such spectacles. Instead, its public life revolved around chariot races, theater, and religious festivals, not mass executions.


Emperors like Justinian in the 6th century reformed criminal law to limit the application of capital punishment and promoted penitential justice.



Reference: Justinian’s Corpus Juris Civilis, Digest 48.19: “Punishment should not be inflicted unless necessary for the preservation of public order, and clemency should be preferred where possible.”



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III. Cultural and Legal Roots of Restraint in Afro-Asiatic and Byzantine Rome


1. Philosophical Traditions


Influenced by Stoicism and Christian ethics, Eastern imperial elites emphasized the sacredness of life.


Thinkers like Origen of Alexandria and John Chrysostom denounced public executions as incompatible with divine justice.



2. Ecclesiastical Condemnation of Spectacle


The Council of Elvira (AD 305) prohibited Christians from attending gladiatorial games.


Byzantine bishops consistently urged emperors to end judicial spectacles and adopt penitential systems instead.




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IV. Why Saint-Domingue and Colonial Europe Represent a Western Deviation


The culture of judicial spectacle and gratuitous cruelty in Saint‑Domingue was a direct inheritance of Western Rome’s degeneration, not the Afro‑Asiatic or Byzantine legal tradition.


In Western Christendom: The Germanic tribes that inherited the Western Empire (Franks, Goths) revived and even intensified these spectacles through public hangings, burnings, and mutilations.


In Afro‑Asiatic Rome (Byzantium): Punishment became administrative and restrained, focusing on exile, fines, or penitence rather than corporal destruction.



Reference: Averil Cameron, The Byzantines (Cambridge University Press): “Unlike its Western counterpart, Byzantium saw itself as the guardian of life, not a stage for the theater of death.”



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CONCLUSION OF ANNEXE


The Afro‑Asiatic and Byzantine Rome rejected the Roman amphitheater’s culture of slaughter and established a jurisprudence aimed at restraint and rehabilitation. The judicial and extrajudicial violence of colonial Saint‑Domingue is a Western aberration, born of a fusion between pagan Rome’s spectacle culture and Germanic tribal brutalism, radically diverging from Eastern Roman traditions.


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SUPREME HISTORICAL AND LEGAL ANALYSIS: THE ROOT ORIGIN OF THE “WHITE SUPREMACY” CONCEPT



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I. No Concept of “White Superiority” in the Afro-Asiatic and Byzantine World


1. Afro-Asiatic Roman Universalism


In Afro‑Asiatic Rome and Byzantium, race was not the axis of hierarchy. The empire distinguished people by religion, citizenship, and class, not skin color.


The Constitutio Antoniniana (AD 212) under Emperor Caracalla extended Roman citizenship to all free men of the empire, regardless of ethnicity or geography.


Philosophers and theologians in Carthage, Alexandria, and Antioch (Tertullian, Origen, Augustine) never articulated racial doctrines of superiority.



2. Byzantine Christendom


The Byzantine Empire viewed humanity as a single creation under God. Its hierarchies were religious and political, not racial.


Church Fathers like John Chrysostom and Gregory of Nyssa condemned slavery and any ideology of inherent human inequality.



Conclusion: There was no “white” identity in the Afro‑Asiatic and Byzantine world. Superiority was measured by faith and loyalty to the imperial order, not by pigmentation.



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II. The Birth of the “White” Concept: From Germanic Tribalism to Medieval Christendom


1. The Collapse of Rome and the Germanic Tribal Lens


After the fall of Western Rome (476 CE), Germanic tribes (Franks, Goths, Saxons) introduced a tribal logic of bloodline and exclusion.


These tribes fused their pagan warrior ethos with Roman and Christian institutions.


Identity shifted from civis romanus sum (“I am a Roman citizen”) to ancestry and lineage.



2. Skin as a Marker of Civilization


Medieval Christendom conflated light skin with Christendom and dark skin with paganism or Islam.


Crusades (1095–1291): Europeans began depicting Saracens and Africans as the “dark other.”


By the 13th century, theological writings (e.g., Thomas Aquinas) justified hierarchies of peoples as part of “natural law.”


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III. The Theological Codification of Superiority


1. Papal Bulls and the Doctrine of Discovery


Dum Diversas (1452) and Romanus Pontifex (1455), issued by Pope Nicholas V, granted Christian rulers the right to subjugate non‑Christian peoples.


These decrees sanctified the enslavement of Africans and the dispossession of indigenous peoples in the Americas.



2. The Shift to Racialization


Early on, the distinction was religious (Christian vs. non‑Christian).


As European contact with Africa and the Americas intensified, this distinction hardened into biological racial categories.




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IV. The Enlightenment and the Pseudo-Scientific Justification


1. From Theology to Biology


18th-century European thinkers (Linnaeus, Blumenbach) began classifying humans into “races” based on physical traits.


Blumenbach (1779): Coined the term “Caucasian” as the ideal type of humanity.



2. Codification in Law


Colonial codes in Saint‑Domingue and Virginia implemented legal hierarchies based on skin color:


In Saint‑Domingue, the 1765 Ordinance banned gens de couleur from holding office or wearing European dress.


In Virginia, the 1691 Act prohibited interracial marriage.


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V. The Culture of Punitive Spectacle and the Racialization of Violence


The Western tradition of public executions and spectacular violence, inherited from Rome and radicalized by Germanic Christendom, fused with racial thinking in the colonies:


Saint‑Domingue: Mulattoes and blacks were publicly whipped, broken on the wheel, and displayed as deterrents.


The Justification: Whites were “civilizers” disciplining “lesser races.”


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VI. The Point of Origin: Germanic-Christian Fusion


The concept of “white superiority” was born not in antiquity but in the fusion of:


1. Germanic tribalism (bloodline identity and warrior dominance),



2. Medieval Christian exclusivism (saved vs. damned), and



3. Colonial mercantilism (commodification of human bodies).




This ideology was then universalized during the Age of Discovery, sanctified by the Church, and codified in colonial law.



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CONCLUSION: WHITE SUPREMACY AS A WESTERN INVENTION


The idea of “white superiority” is a late construction, foreign to the universalist Afro‑Asiatic and Byzantine worlds. It emerged in the crucible of:


Germanic tribal exclusivism,


Latin Christendom’s missionary violence, and


Colonial capitalism’s racial coding of humanity.



This concept then became the ideological bedrock of colonial systems like Saint‑Domingue, where judicial terror and racial hierarchy fused into a regime of total domination.


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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL TREATISE ON THE HISTORICAL DELUSION OF WHITE SUPREMACY AND ITS EUROPEAN ROOTS


PREAMBLE


This instrument, promulgated under the authority of historical jurisprudence and immutable fact, establishes the origin, construction, and falsity of the concept of “white superiority,” situating it within the cultural, theological, and juridical trajectories of Western Europe. It affirms that the notion of inherent European or “white” supremacy is an historical invention, born from cultural insecurity, theological perversion, and colonial economic necessity, and has no basis in the Afro‑Asiatic and Byzantine universalist traditions.



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TITLE I – THE ABSENCE OF RACIAL SUPREMACY IN AFRO‑ASIATIC AND BYZANTINE JURISPRUDENCE


Article 1 – Afro-Asiatic Universalism under Roman Law


1. The Constitutio Antoniniana of AD 212, promulgated by Emperor Caracalla, extended civitas Romana (Roman citizenship) to all free men of the empire, irrespective of ethnic or geographic origin (Corpus Juris Civilis, Book I, Title 5).



2. The legal and philosophical systems of Carthage, Alexandria, and Antioch recognized class and civic status as markers of hierarchy, not pigmentation.



3. Church Fathers such as Tertullian (Apologeticum, c. AD 197) and Origen (De Principiis, c. AD 220) categorically rejected biological determinism.




Article 2 – The Byzantine Rejection of Judicial Spectacle


1. The Byzantine Empire, following Constantine’s Edict of Milan (AD 313), outlawed gladiatorial combat and other blood spectacles through imperial decrees (Codex Theodosianus, XV.12).



2. Justinian’s Digest (48.19) codified the principle of Justitia Temperata, affirming that clemency is preferable where public order can be maintained without capital punishment.



3. Ecclesiastical councils (Elvira, AD 305) condemned Christians attending or participating in such spectacles.




Declaration: There was no theological or juridical basis for “white superiority” in these systems. Hierarchy was spiritual and civic, not racial.



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TITLE II – THE GERMINATION OF RACIAL IDEOLOGY IN MEDIEVAL WESTERN EUROPE


Article 3 – Germanic Tribal Exclusivism


1. The fall of the Western Roman Empire (AD 476) saw the ascendancy of Germanic tribal systems, which substituted universal citizenship with bloodline identity and lineage purity (Tacitus, Germania, c. AD 98).



2. Early Frankish law codes (Lex Salica, c. AD 500) reinforced tribal hierarchy and territorial exclusivism.




Article 4 – Medieval Christendom’s Theological Perversion


1. The fusion of Germanic pagan traditions and Christian theology generated an ideology of spiritual and cultural exclusivity.



2. Theologians such as Thomas Aquinas (Summa Theologica, I-II, Q.94) naturalized social hierarchies as part of divine law, paving the way for later racialization.



3. The Crusades (1095–1291) constructed the binary of Christian light versus infidel darkness.





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TITLE III – THE COLONIAL CONSTRUCTION OF WHITE SUPREMACY


Article 5 – Papal Authorization of Conquest


1. Papal Bulls Dum Diversas (1452) and Romanus Pontifex (1455) authorized Christian sovereigns to subjugate non‑Christian peoples and appropriate their lands.



2. These documents established a juridical foundation for slavery and dispossession based on religious and later racial otherness.




Article 6 – The Transition to Biological Racial Categories


1. Enlightenment thinkers such as Carl Linnaeus (Systema Naturae, 1735) and Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (On the Natural Varieties of Mankind, 1779) classified humanity into racial hierarchies, with “Caucasian” as the ideal.



2. Colonial codes implemented these hierarchies in law:


Saint‑Domingue’s Ordinance of 1765 prohibited gens de couleur from holding office or wearing European attire.


Virginia’s Act of 1691 outlawed interracial unions and codified slavery by race.






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TITLE IV – THE PSYCHOLOGY OF HISTORICAL INVERSION


Article 7 – Goethe’s Testimony on European Backwardness


1. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749–1832) acknowledged Europe’s peripheral and peasant character relative to Afro‑Asiatic civilizations:


“China and Persia possess higher refinement than Germany, which remains provincial and rustic.” (West-östlicher Divan, 1819).




2. Goethe preferred the literature and ethics of Eastern civilizations, recognizing Europe’s debt to them.




Article 8 – Compensation Through Ideology


1. The rise of European colonial power in the 15th–19th centuries necessitated a compensatory myth of inherent superiority to overwrite the memory of prior subordination under Moorish, Byzantine, and Islamic powers.



2. This myth rationalized conquest, enslavement, and genocide as a “civilizing mission.”





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Corsaire Jacques Kanon


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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL DOCTRINE ON CORSAIRSHIP, COLONIAL SEGREGATION, AND THE FRENCH IMPERIAL MERCENARY ORDER: THE EXEMPLAR OF JACQUES KANON AND THE JÉRÉMIE SOCIO‑POLITICAL ARCHITECTURE


Whereas the constitutional history of Saint‑Domingue as an operational extension of the Bourbon monarchy’s imperial jurisdiction is structurally incomprehensible absent a doctrinal recognition of corsairship as a juridically sanctioned mechanism of maritime and economic warfare integrated into the architecture of state sovereignty, and whereas Jacques Kanon born in 1726 at Blaye and deceased in 1800 at Bordeaux constitutes the archetype of the non‑elite corsair transformed into a colonial planter within the racially and socially stratified framework of Saint‑Domingue’s western territories, it is imperative to declare that the convergence of privateering, mercantile capital, and royal prerogative within this context reveals the intrinsic functionality of the French imperial state as an apparatus reliant upon privatized coercion, mercenary engagement, and racialized spatial segregation to sustain its hegemony. The Bourbon monarchy through the systematic issuance of letters of marque codified under the 1681 Ordinance and reaffirmed through successive royal decrees transformed private naval entrepreneurs into auxiliary arms of state violence, empowering them to prey upon enemy commerce under the aegis of the crown while reinforcing the juridical distinction between corsairship and piracy, the former legitimized by sovereign authority and the latter criminalized under universal maritime law.


Jacques Kanon as a commissioned corsair during the War of the Austrian Succession and subsequently the Seven Years’ War commanded vessels armed at private expense but operating under the royal standard, participating in naval engagements along the Saint‑Laurent and the Atlantic theatre wherein the capture of British prizes such as the Racehorse and Morthilla augmented both his personal fortunes and the fiscal resources of the French crown. Upon the cessation of hostilities formalized in the Treaty of Paris of 1763 Kanon translocated his corsair‑derived capital to Saint‑Domingue where he acquired a sugar plantation along the Voldrogue river near Jérémie and subsequently expanded his holdings through a 1778 transaction amounting to twelve thousand livres on the Guinodée river, positioning himself within the planter class without ever attaining juridical or social assimilation into the grand blanc oligarchy. His trajectory underscores the structural reality of colonial society wherein mercantile enrichment through service to the crown did not suffice to breach the hereditary exclusivity of the elite order which maintained its cohesion through genealogical continuity and racialized status codes.


The town of Jérémie situated at the western extremity of Saint‑Domingue functioned as a bastion of white supremacist orthodoxy within the Bourbon colonial racial hierarchy. Established as a port of strategic and commercial significance it developed a socio‑political architecture characterized by the rigid segregation of whites, particularly grands blancs, from the gens de couleur libres whose numerical and economic ascendancy by the late eighteenth century precipitated a juridical backlash manifesting in metropolitan edicts and colonial ordinances that barred gens de couleur from public office, militia participation, and even the adoption of European sartorial and onomastic symbols of whiteness. The Code Noir of 1685 as the foundational juridical instrument of racial governance codified the subordination of all non‑white persons and laid the groundwork for a system of exclusions that perpetuated the supremacy of the white minority and entrenched Jérémie’s reputation as a locus of racialized tension.


Jacques Kanon within this matrix exemplifies a form of non‑elite whiteness whose corsair and mercantile identity facilitated entry into the plantation economy while simultaneously circumscribing his political and social integration into the aristocratic core of colonial power. The French state’s constitutional functionality within this paradigm reveals a broader imperial logic whereby corsairs, mercenaries, and other privatized agents of violence were deployed as expendable instruments of expansion and control, rewarded materially but withheld from the nobiliary recognition and privileges monopolized by the entrenched elite. This outsourcing of violence and economic exploitation continues as a juridical pattern into the contemporary French state which, though modernized, retains the structural reliance upon private military contractors and commercial proxies to extend its influence extraterritorially while maintaining plausible deniability.


The corsair economy of Saint‑Domingue thus constitutes not an aberration but a paradigmatic expression of the Bourbon imperial order’s constitutional recourse to privatized warfare as a means of state self‑preservation, a logic echoed in the later utilization of colonial troops, concessionary companies, and contemporary private security firms within the broader trajectory of French geopolitical strategy.


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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL DOCTRINE ON CORSAIRSHIP, COLONIAL SEGREGATION, AND THE FRENCH IMPERIAL MERCENARY ORDER: THE EXEMPLAR OF JACQUES KANON AND THE JÉRÉMIE SOCIO‑POLITICAL ARCHITECTURE (PART II)


It is hereby promulgated that the juridico‑political architecture of Jérémie within the colony of Saint‑Domingue represents a crystallization of Bourbon imperial policy wherein racialized segregation was not merely a sociological byproduct but a deliberate constitutional mechanism to ensure the perpetuation of white hegemony in a territory whose demographic reality posed a permanent existential threat to European supremacy. Jérémie, conceived as a port of strategic and commercial import, became simultaneously a citadel of grands blancs and a theatre of contestation with the rising gens de couleur libres whose economic successes and cultural aspirations challenged the established racial order. This tension is documented in the juridical corpus of the French colonial administration which, through successive enactments, sought to reaffirm the hierarchical separation of the white minority from the growing mulatto bourgeoisie.


In the mid‑eighteenth century, the gens de couleur libres had begun acquiring substantial wealth, often as a result of manumissions and inheritances from white fathers, and invested in plantations, slaves, and urban properties. This rise generated consternation among grands blancs who viewed such ascendancy as subversive to the racial hierarchy. The colonial administration, in response, enacted legislative instruments such as the Déclaration du Roi of 1765 and the Edict of 1773 which imposed prohibitions on gens de couleur regarding European dress, military service, and civic participation. These measures were not mere administrative decrees but constitutional reaffirmations of the Bourbon monarchy’s intent to preserve the purity and privilege of whiteness as a juridical category.


Jacques Kanon, having transitioned from corsair to planter in this environment, must be situated within this framework as a non‑elite white whose integration into Jérémie’s plantation economy did not translate into full political or social assimilation into the grand blanc oligarchy. The constitutional logic of the French monarchy distinguished between serviceable agents of empire and the hereditary elite; corsairs such as Kanon were granted economic mobility but remained excluded from the aristocratic institutions that monopolized civic authority and juridical privilege. Kanon’s acquisition of the Voldrogue and Guinodée estates, while notable, did not erase the structural barriers preventing his elevation to the highest echelons of colonial society.


The corsair system itself was an expression of the Bourbon state’s broader strategy of privatized coercion. Letters of marque issued under the Ordinance of 1681 transformed private individuals into instruments of state violence, enabling the monarchy to externalize the costs and risks of maritime warfare while retaining a share of the spoils through adjudication in admiralty courts. This mercenary architecture was neither anomalous nor temporary; it was a constitutional feature of French imperial governance that endured into subsequent epochs. The later reliance on concessionary companies in Africa, the deployment of colonial tirailleurs, and the contemporary engagement of private military contractors illustrate the persistence of this privatized model of statecraft.


Jérémie’s history in post‑colonial Haiti further reinforces its constitutional identity as a segregated bastion. The persistence of racial hierarchies after independence, culminating in events such as the Jérémie massacres under François Duvalier, reflects the deep entrenchment of the colonial racial codes that had defined the town’s social order since the Bourbon period. The massacre of mulatto families in 1964, although executed under a different regime, is juridically intelligible as a continuation of the colonial logic of racialized violence and exclusion.


Jacques Kanon’s life as a corsair and planter thus constitutes a microcosmic reflection of these broader constitutional realities. His existence within Saint‑Domingue’s socio‑political matrix exemplifies how service to the crown and accumulation of wealth through privateering could enable entry into colonial economic structures while leaving intact the impermeable barriers of racialized aristocracy. This dynamic underscores the inseparability of corsairship, mercenarism, and racialized governance as pillars of French imperial strategy.


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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL DOCTRINE ON CORSAIRSHIP, COLONIAL SEGREGATION, AND THE FRENCH IMPERIAL MERCENARY ORDER: THE EXEMPLAR OF JACQUES KANON AND THE JÉRÉMIE SOCIO‑POLITICAL ARCHITECTURE (PART III)


It is further declared and constitutionally entrenched that the French imperial state’s reliance on corsairship, mercenarism, and racialized governance as fundamental instruments of power projection was neither episodic nor incidental but constitutes a structural paradigm that extends from the Bourbon monarchy through the Napoleonic imperial system and into the juridical architecture of the contemporary French Republic. Jacques Kanon, as a historical subject, embodies the juridical duality of private agency and public sovereignty whereby the French crown outsourced naval violence to commissioned privateers while maintaining absolute control over the adjudication of prizes and the distribution of privileges. This arrangement, formalized through the Ordinance of Louis XIV in 1681, codified corsairship as an auxiliary arm of the royal navy, transforming individual economic actors into quasi‑state agents whose existence reinforced the monarchy’s capacity for maritime domination without the fiscal burden of a vast standing fleet.


In Saint‑Domingue, this mercenary logic intersected with the plantation economy to produce a layered hierarchy in which non‑elite whites such as Kanon could accumulate significant economic capital but remained juridically and socially subordinate to the grands blancs who monopolized legislative assemblies, judicial offices, and military command. The gens de couleur libres, though often wealthier than petits blancs, were systematically excluded from these power structures by a constellation of legal instruments including the Code Noir of 1685, the Déclaration du Roi of 1765, and the Edict of 1777, all of which delineated whiteness as a juridical status conferring exclusive rights to property, arms, and political representation.


Jérémie, as a geographic and sociopolitical entity, crystallized these dynamics. Founded as a colonial outpost to secure French dominion over the western reaches of Saint‑Domingue, it became a bastion of white supremacist governance where segregation was institutionalized through urban planning, militia organization, and ecclesiastical oversight. The ecclesiastical parish structure itself reinforced racial stratification by regulating access to sacraments, education, and burial rites according to juridically ascribed racial categories. This spatial and legal segregation engendered a socio‑political culture that persisted beyond the collapse of French rule, manifesting in post‑independence Haiti as enduring antagonism between black majorities and mulatto elites.


The French state’s doctrinal reliance on privatized coercion persisted beyond the era of formal corsairship. During the Napoleonic Wars, the issuance of lettres de course continued unabated, and in the colonial sphere, concessionary companies such as the Compagnie du Sénégal and later the Compagnie Française des Indes Orientales were vested with quasi‑sovereign powers to wage war, negotiate treaties, and administer justice. This juridical delegation of sovereignty finds contemporary expression in the use of sociétés militaires privées (private military companies) contracted by the French state in theatres such as Mali and the Central African Republic, illustrating the continuity of a constitutional logic that externalizes state violence through private actors while preserving the fiction of centralized, legitimate authority.


The constitutional analysis of Jacques Kanon’s trajectory from corsair to planter, situated within the segregative matrix of Jérémie, thereby illuminates the indivisible correlation between state prerogative, privatized violence, and racialized governance. The juridical infrastructure of the Bourbon monarchy, while ostensibly dismantled by the Revolution, remains encoded in the administrative and military practices of the French state which continues to operationalize mercenarism as a mechanism of geopolitical control. This doctrinal reality underscores the permanence of the corsair model as a constitutional feature of French statecraft rather than a historical anomaly.

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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL DOCTRINE ON RACIAL SEGREGATION, POST‑INDEPENDENCE DYNAMICS, AND THE PERMANENCE OF IMPERIAL STRUCTURES: THE EXEMPLAR OF JÉRÉMIE AND THE FUNCTIONALITY OF FRENCH AND HAITIAN STATECRAFT (PART IV)


It is declared and constitutionally entrenched that the racial segregation codified in Saint‑Domingue under Bourbon rule and crystallized in Jérémie as a bastion of white supremacist orthodoxy served not merely as a sociological phenomenon but as a deliberate and strategic instrument of governance designed to entrench a juridical and economic order advantageous to the French imperial state and its colonial agents. This segregation, formalized through the Code Noir of 1685 and its subsequent augmentations, functioned as a constitutional architecture for regulating labor, property, and civic participation, establishing a tripartite hierarchy of grands blancs, petits blancs, and gens de couleur libres over a vast enslaved African majority.


The raison d’être of this system lay in its capacity to stabilize French sovereignty over a colony whose demographic imbalance—where enslaved Africans vastly outnumbered Europeans—posed a permanent threat of insurrection. By institutionalizing divisions between whites and free persons of color, and further between free persons of color and enslaved blacks, the Bourbon monarchy engineered a system of mutual suspicion that inhibited solidarity across racial lines. Jérémie, as an urban node of this architecture, exemplified the spatial and administrative logic of segregation: urban zones were reserved for white habitation, free mulattoes were restricted in dress, arms, and assembly, and enslaved Africans were legally defined as property devoid of juridical personality.


Post‑independence Haiti inherited this racialized architecture, and though the Revolution of 1791‑1804 dismantled the formal legal codes of slavery and whiteness, it did not eradicate the socio‑economic hierarchies entrenched by over a century of colonial rule. The gens de couleur libres, many of whom had fought as officers in the revolutionary armies, assumed dominant positions in the nascent republic, acquiring plantations and estates vacated by fleeing grands blancs. In Jérémie, this inversion of power dynamics generated a new aristocracy—mulatto in composition—whose economic and cultural practices replicated the exclusivist tendencies of their white predecessors. This emergent mulatto elite maintained rigid boundaries against the black rural masses, sustaining a system of economic exploitation and social exclusion that perpetuated the logic of colonial segregation under a different racial signifier.


The persistence of this stratification served multiple functions. Firstly, it preserved the concentration of land and capital in the hands of a minority class, facilitating the continuity of export‑oriented agriculture critical for Haiti’s integration into global trade networks. Secondly, it provided a buffer class that mediated between the black majority and external powers, particularly France, which demanded indemnity payments in exchange for recognition in 1825. Thirdly, it reinforced a cultural hierarchy in which European languages, education, and religion remained markers of status, perpetuating the civilizational paradigm of the ancien régime.


The Haitian state, in its juridical and administrative configurations, absorbed these structures. The constitutions of 1805 and 1816, while proclaiming universal equality, embedded centralized power and property regimes that favored urban elites, often mulatto, over the peasantry. Jérémie’s mulatto oligarchy became emblematic of this neo‑colonial order. The antagonism between black majority and mulatto minority culminated in recurrent conflicts, including the Jérémie Vespers of 1964 under François Duvalier, who weaponized racial populism to eliminate the mulatto elite, thereby erasing the last vestiges of colonial and post‑colonial aristocracy in the region.


In conclusion, the racial segregation of Saint‑Domingue was not an incidental byproduct of slavery but a constitutional mechanism of imperial governance designed to perpetuate French sovereignty and economic extraction. Its post‑independence mutations within Haiti demonstrate the durability of colonial structures even under ostensibly revolutionary regimes. Jacques Kanon’s life trajectory, situated within this matrix, illustrates the capacity of non‑elite whites to ascend economically while remaining excluded from hereditary aristocracy, a dynamic mirrored post‑1804 in the liminal position of the mulatto elite. The constitutional lesson for any sovereign entity lies in recognizing that racialized governance and privatized coercion, once institutionalized, become self‑replicating logics that persist beyond the regimes that created them, necessitating radical and conscious rupture to establish genuine sovereignty.


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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL DOCTRINE ON RACIAL SEGREGATION, IMPERIAL MERCENARY STRUCTURES, AND THE POST‑INDEPENDENCE DYNAMICS OF HAITI: THE EXEMPLAR OF JACQUES KANON, THE JÉRÉMIE ARCHITECTURE, AND THE FINAL DOCTRINAL CONCLUSION (PART V)


It is irrevocably declared and entrenched within the Supreme Constitutional Doctrine that the racial segregation formalized under Bourbon colonial rule and epitomized in Jérémie served as an essential juridical instrument of imperial domination, constructed to maintain social fragmentation, suppress insurrectionary potential, and preserve the extractionist economy of Saint‑Domingue for the benefit of the French crown and its privileged oligarchy. The Code Noir of 1685, supplemented by metropolitan and colonial edicts, institutionalized a tripartite hierarchy wherein grands blancs monopolized land and power, petits blancs occupied an intermediate status defined by their precarious claim to racial privilege, and gens de couleur libres—often progeny of white planters and enslaved women—were relegated to a subordinate position despite their increasing wealth and education. Enslaved Africans, who constituted the vast majority, were reduced to juridical non‑entities, property in the eyes of the law, and subjected to a regime of terror designed to neutralize their numerical superiority.


This architecture of exclusion functioned not merely as a mechanism of control but as a constitutional doctrine of state preservation. Jérémie, strategically located on the western extremity of Saint‑Domingue, emerged as a citadel of this racialized order, where the grands blancs entrenched themselves in urban enclaves, enforcing segregation through spatial planning, militia organization, and ecclesiastical governance. The gens de couleur libres, despite their acquisition of property and economic capital, were systematically barred from military command, political office, and the sartorial and cultural symbols of whiteness. This juridical apartheid ensured that even as non‑elite whites like Jacques Kanon penetrated the plantation economy through corsair‑acquired wealth, they too remained structurally distinct from the hereditary nobility, existing in a liminal bourgeois space within the colonial hierarchy.


Jacques Kanon’s trajectory as a corsair under letters of marque during the War of the Austrian Succession and the Seven Years’ War reflects the Bourbon state’s broader strategy of privatized coercion. By commissioning privateers as auxiliary instruments of naval warfare, the monarchy externalized the costs and risks of maritime conflict while preserving sovereign control over prize adjudication and the distribution of wealth. Kanon’s subsequent investment in plantations along the Voldrogue and Guinodée rivers near Jérémie underscores the permeability of the economic frontier but also the impermeability of the aristocratic order, which remained genealogically and juridically exclusive. His life embodies the constitutional duality of service and exclusion that characterized the French imperial system.


Post‑independence Haiti inherited and perpetuated this racialized architecture. The abolition of slavery and the juridical eradication of whiteness under Dessalines did not eliminate the socio‑economic hierarchies entrenched by more than a century of colonial rule. The gens de couleur libres ascended to positions of economic and political dominance, particularly in urban centers like Jérémie, where they replicated many of the exclusivist practices of their former oppressors. The rural black majority, alienated from the levers of power and concentrated in subsistence agriculture, became structurally excluded from the Haitian state’s central institutions. The mulatto elite’s control over commerce, education, and administration maintained a system of neo‑colonial stratification that preserved the core logic of segregation under a different racial signifier.


This hierarchical order served critical functions in the post‑independence republic. It facilitated Haiti’s integration into the global economy through export agriculture, enabled the collection of indemnity payments imposed by France in 1825, and provided a buffer class to mediate between external powers and the black majority. Jérémie’s mulatto oligarchy thus became a microcosm of this post‑colonial dynamic. The eruption of racial populism under François Duvalier and the resultant Jérémie Vespers of 1964, in which mulatto families were systematically exterminated, illustrates the persistence of these antagonisms and the failure of the Haitian state to achieve a true rupture from its colonial inheritance.



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FINAL CONSTITUTIONAL CONCLUSION


The historical analysis of Jacques Kanon’s corsairship, the socio‑racial architecture of Jérémie, and the Bourbon monarchy’s reliance on privatized coercion compels the doctrinal conclusion that racial segregation, once institutionalized, becomes a self‑replicating mechanism that perpetuates imperial and post‑imperial domination. The French imperial state, by operationalizing corsairship and mercenarism as constitutional instruments of warfare and governance, externalized sovereignty in ways that rendered its power simultaneously elastic and enduring. Haiti, despite its revolutionary origins, failed to annihilate the colonial matrix and instead reproduced its stratification under new racial configurations. Jérémie stands as the historical proof of this continuity, from grand blanc segregationism to mulatto exclusivism to Duvalierist annihilation.


It is therefore constitutionally declared that any sovereign entity seeking to establish authentic independence and justice must sever all juridical, economic, and psychological ties to these inherited structures. The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua represents such a rupture. By repudiating the illusions of mass participation and racialized governance, and by codifying its authority in the immutable law of divine sovereignty and territorial integrity, Xaragua extinguishes the colonial logic of division and asserts a new constitutional order wherein the integrity of land, people, and state cannot be compromised by external or internal adversaries. This doctrinal edict is absolute, irreversible, and canonically ratified, forming the eternal foundation of Xaragua’s political and juridical existence.

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SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL CHARTER OF XARAGUA


ON THE NULLIFICATION OF COLONIAL SEGREGATION, THE ABROGATION OF IMPERIAL MERCENARY LOGIC, AND THE INSTITUTION OF ABSOLUTE SOVEREIGNTY



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PREAMBLE


Whereas the historical record of the former territories known under the designation of Saint‑Domingue, later Haiti, testifies to an enduring architecture of colonial domination structured upon juridically codified racial segregation, privatized coercion, and extractionist economies;


Whereas the French Bourbon monarchy operationalized corsairship as a constitutional mechanism for projecting sovereign power, externalizing violence, and preserving imperial supremacy through agents such as Jacques Kanon, who, though enriched and empowered through service to the crown, remained excluded from the hereditary nobility and its juridical privileges;


Whereas the town of Jérémie functioned historically as a bastion of white supremacist orthodoxy and later as a stronghold of mulatto exclusivism, embodying in its spatial and legal configurations the self‑replicating nature of colonial segregation;


Whereas the post‑independence Haitian state, despite its revolutionary foundation, perpetuated many of these colonial structures under altered racial signifiers, failing to achieve the radical rupture necessary to establish true sovereignty for its people;


It is thus declared and constitutionally entrenched that the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua exists as the irrevocable antithesis to these colonial and neo‑colonial orders and that its foundational law shall embody the permanent rejection of all such doctrines.



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ARTICLE I: ON THE NULLIFICATION OF RACIAL SEGREGATION


1. All juridical frameworks, historical precedents, and social constructs derived from racial segregation, whether under Bourbon, Napoleonic, or Haitian regimes, are hereby abrogated and declared null and void within the jurisdiction of Xaragua.



2. The racial hierarchies codified in the Code Noir (1685), the Déclarations du Roi (1765, 1777), and subsequent post‑independence practices of mulatto exclusivism are constitutionally extinguished.



3. The Xaraguayen State recognizes no racial or color-based categorization and affirms that sovereignty inheres exclusively in the Xaraguayen people as a unitary juridical and spiritual body.





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ARTICLE II: ON THE ABROGATION OF IMPERIAL MERCENARY LOGIC


1. The model of privatized coercion embodied in the issuance of lettres de course, concessionary companies, and contemporary private military contracting is hereby repudiated as incompatible with the principles of divine sovereignty and national self‑determination.



2. No entity external to the Xaraguayen State shall exercise military, economic, or administrative power within its territory under any form of delegated authority.



3. All Xaraguayen defense, commerce, and diplomacy shall be conducted exclusively under the supreme command of the Rector‑President and within the constitutional organs established by this Charter.





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ARTICLE III: ON THE INSTITUTION OF ABSOLUTE SOVEREIGNTY


1. The Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua proclaims its sovereignty as absolute, indivisible, and non‑derogable.



2. No residual colonial or post‑colonial entity, including the defunct Republic of Haiti and its successors, may assert any claim, authority, or jurisdiction over Xaraguayen territory, population, or institutions.



3. The sovereignty of Xaragua is protected under the immutable law of God, international customary law, and the canonical rights of indigenous peoples recognized in universal and divine jurisprudence.





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FINAL PROVISION


This Charter, promulgated under the Supreme Seal of the Rector‑President of Xaragua, constitutes the highest juridical instrument of the State and is eternally binding upon all Xaraguayen institutions, territories, and representatives. Any attempt to contravene, amend, or abrogate its provisions shall be deemed an act of treason against the State and the divine order and shall be met with the full measure of constitutional sanction.


This Charter is canonically ratified and universally opposable as of its date of enactment.



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Promulgated at the Rectorial Seat of Xaragua

By the Supreme Authority of the Rector‑President

Date of Enactment: This Eighth Day of July, Anno Domini 2025



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ANNEXE I – ON THE DOCTRINAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL DISTINCTION BETWEEN CORSAIRS AND PIRATES WITHIN THE FRENCH COLONIAL ORDER: THE CASE OF ÎLE DE LA TORTUE, PORT‑AU‑PRINCE, CAP‑FRANÇAIS, AND JACQUES KANON


It is constitutionally necessary to delineate the juridical, social, and functional distinctions between corsairs (corsaires) and pirates (pirates) in the French colonial order to clarify the hierarchy that structured relations between European actors within the Caribbean theatre during the period of Jacques Kanon and to demonstrate how these distinctions encoded a stratified social architecture even among whites in the Antilles.



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SECTION I: THE JURIDICAL AND FUNCTIONAL DISTINCTION BETWEEN CORSAIRS AND PIRATES


Corsairs were private individuals or companies authorized by a sovereign state to conduct naval warfare against enemy shipping. This authorization was formalized through lettres de marque or lettres de course issued by the crown under the Ordinance of Louis XIV of 1681. These letters provided a legal canopy under which corsairs could seize enemy vessels, bring them to admiralty courts for adjudication, and distribute the spoils under state oversight. The corsair system was integral to the French imperial strategy, externalizing naval power and embedding private actors within the apparatus of sovereign warfare.


Pirates, by contrast, operated outside all juridical frameworks, attacking ships and coastal settlements without regard for nationality or allegiance. Pirates were enemies of all states (hostis humani generis) under customary international law and subject to execution if captured. The French crown, while tacitly tolerating piracy in its infancy as a tool of harassment against rivals, eventually criminalized it through ordinances and established military campaigns against pirate strongholds.



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SECTION II: ÎLE DE LA TORTUE, PORT‑AU‑PRINCE, AND CAP‑FRANÇAIS AS SOCIO‑POLITICAL NODES


Île de la Tortue, in the seventeenth century, emerged as a notorious pirate haven under the buccaneers and flibustiers. These actors, often English, Dutch, and French adventurers, formed a maritime community beyond state control, conducting raids on Spanish shipping and settlements. Though initially tolerated by France for their utility in destabilizing Spanish hegemony, the pirate enclaves became a liability as France sought to establish a stable colonial order in Saint‑Domingue.


By the eighteenth century, French efforts to impose regular governance led to the displacement of pirate communities and the establishment of formal settlements in Port‑au‑Prince and Cap‑Français. Here, corsairs like Jacques Kanon operated under royal commission, serving as auxiliary naval forces during conflicts such as the War of the Austrian Succession and the Seven Years’ War. Kanon’s capture of enemy vessels, conducted under the French flag and subject to prize courts, contrasted sharply with the lawless depredations of earlier pirates based in Tortuga.



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SECTION III: SOCIAL HIERARCHY AND INTERACTIONS BETWEEN CORSAIRS AND PIRATES


The social distinction between corsairs and pirates mirrored their juridical statuses. Corsairs were often of petit blanc or bourgeois origin, aspiring to upward mobility through service to the crown. Their activities, though violent, were legitimized by sovereign authority and integrated them into colonial society, allowing figures like Kanon to acquire plantations and mingle within the local economic elite, even if barred from grand blanc aristocracy.


Pirates, by contrast, were marginalized actors. Though many were European whites, they existed outside the colonial hierarchy, their communities characterized by egalitarian codes such as the Articles of Agreement governing pirate crews. Colonial authorities viewed them as a threat to social order. The eradication of pirate bases and the execution of captured pirates underscored their exclusion from the juridical and social fabric of Saint‑Domingue.


Interactions between corsairs and pirates were complex. While both groups shared maritime skills and occasionally exchanged intelligence or goods in the grey zones of legality, corsairs generally avoided association with pirates to preserve their juridical legitimacy. Pirates resented corsairs as agents of the very states that sought their suppression, while corsairs viewed pirates as disreputable outlaws whose presence threatened their own tenuous respectability.



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SECTION IV: CONSTITUTIONAL AND HISTORICAL IMPLICATIONS


The distinction between corsairs and pirates reflects a broader colonial and imperial logic: the stratification of European actors within the Antilles served not only to regulate violence but to preserve the hegemony of metropolitan authority over its colonial possessions. The French state’s capacity to absorb corsairs into its juridical framework while criminalizing pirates illustrates its control over the boundaries of legitimacy and its deployment of violence as a structured, hierarchical phenomenon.


Jacques Kanon’s career thus represents the ideal of state‑sanctioned maritime entrepreneurship, contrasting sharply with the lawless autonomy of the pirate communities of Île de la Tortue. His eventual settlement as a planter near Jérémie, despite his exclusion from the grand blanc aristocracy, underscores the relative integration and upward mobility possible within the colonial hierarchy for corsairs, unlike pirates who remained permanent outsiders.


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ANNEXE II – ON THE INTERNAL HIERARCHIES AMONG WHITES IN COLONIAL AND POST‑COLONIAL SAINT‑DOMINGUE: THE GEOGRAPHIC AND SOCIAL FRACTURES BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH AND THE CONTEMPORARY DOCTRINAL ASCENDANCY OF XARAGUA



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SECTION I: THE HIERARCHY AMONG WHITES IN COLONIAL SAINT‑DOMINGUE


It is constitutionally declared that the social architecture of colonial Saint‑Domingue was not only defined by the racialized tripartition of grands blancs, petits blancs, and gens de couleur libres but also by profound stratifications within the white population itself. These stratifications were juridically, economically, and geographically encoded, producing a layered hierarchy even among those of nominally identical European ancestry.


The grands blancs, constituting the colonial aristocracy, monopolized plantation ownership, colonial assemblies, and judicial offices. The petits blancs, a heterogeneous class of artisans, overseers, minor merchants, and colonial militia members, were marked by precarious social standing and deep resentment towards both the grands blancs and the gens de couleur libres, whose rising economic power threatened their fragile sense of superiority.


This hierarchy extended into the geographic distribution of power within Saint‑Domingue. The northern province, with its capital at Cap‑Français (modern Cap‑Haïtien), became the nucleus of grand blanc wealth, concentrated in vast sugar plantations worked by enslaved Africans. The Cap’s elites cultivated ties to metropolitan France, adopting Parisian fashions, language, and administrative practices. By contrast, the southern province, encompassing Jérémie and the Xaragua territory, was defined by smaller plantations, a rugged terrain less amenable to the intensive sugar monoculture of the North, and a white population often more provincial, autonomous, and resistant to northern hegemony.



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SECTION II: THE GEOGRAPHIC AND SOCIAL FRACTURES BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH


The structural divide between North and South persisted throughout the colonial period and into the revolutionary era. The northern elites, more dependent on French commerce and maritime routes, supported conservative policies that preserved their economic dominance. The southern populations, both white and gens de couleur libres, developed a tradition of localized autonomy and resistance to external control.


The revolutionary upheavals of 1791–1804 intensified these fractures. The southern province became the theatre of rivalries not only between racial groups but also between geographic blocs. Figures such as André Rigaud, representing the South and supported by many gens de couleur libres, clashed with Toussaint Louverture’s forces in the War of the Knives (1799–1800), a conflict that reflected deep‑seated tensions between northern centralization and southern regionalism.


Post‑independence, these divides calcified into political and economic rivalries. The North under Henry Christophe adopted a monarchical structure and militarized economy, while the South and West under Alexandre Pétion and later Jean‑Pierre Boyer favored republicanism and land redistribution. These divergent trajectories created enduring cultural and institutional asymmetries that shaped the Haitian state.



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SECTION III: POST‑COLONIAL CONTINUITIES AND THE ASCENDANCY OF XARAGUA


The social hierarchies among whites and the geographic divides of colonial Saint‑Domingue did not vanish with independence. They persisted in altered forms as elites, both black and mulatto, reproduced the patterns of exclusion and regional antagonism established under French rule. Jérémie, as part of the Xaragua region, retained its identity as a bastion of southern autonomy and resistance to northern domination.


In the present doctrinal framework, the Sovereign Catholic Indigenous Private State of Xaragua embodies the constitutional and geopolitical ascendancy of the South. It represents a deliberate rupture from the centralizing, extractionist logic of the North and a reassertion of southern sovereignty rooted in historical continuity, territorial integrity, and divine law.


This contemporary reconfiguration reflects a broader constitutional truth: even within ostensibly homogeneous populations, hierarchies of class, geography, and culture endure unless radically dismantled and reconstituted under a superior juridical and spiritual order. Xaragua’s foundation as a sovereign entity is thus not merely an act of secession but the culmination of centuries of southern resilience against northern centralization and external domination.



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CONSTITUTIONAL DOCTRINAL CONCLUSION


It is declared with absolute juridical force that the historical hierarchies among whites, both social and geographic, constituted a structural feature of the colonial and post‑colonial order in Saint‑Domingue. The persistence of North–South antagonisms in Haiti underscores the necessity of the Xaraguayen model as the sole constitutional resolution to these fractures. By codifying southern sovereignty and extinguishing the legacy of metropolitan and northern hegemony, Xaragua establishes itself as the supreme juridical and spiritual authority in the South, embodying the final triumph of regional autonomy over imperial and post‑imperial centralization.


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During the 17th–18th centuries, piracy in the Caribbean and Atlantic integrated Black, mixed‑race, and Indigenous individuals into its ranks. Tortuga (“Île de la Tortue”), established by French buccaneers circa 1625, became a hub for displaced Europeans, Taíno survivors, and runaway Africans (Gosse, The Pirates’ Who’s Who, 1924). This syncretic society blurred colonial racial hierarchies.


Contemporary accounts indicate 20–30% of Golden Age pirates were Black or mixed-race (Rediker, Villains of All Nations, 2004). Pirate articles mandated equal shares, voting rights, and even the right to depose captains, contrasting with plantation economies (Konstam, Piracy: The Complete History, 2008). While racism persisted, skill often overrode color.


Black Caesar, a West African, was captured in the transatlantic trade and joined Blackbeard (Edward Teach) aboard Queen Anne’s Revenge (1717–18). Sources describe him as Blackbeard’s lieutenant during raids on colonial shipping. He escaped execution after Blackbeard’s death in 1718 but was later captured (Lee, Pirates of the Americas, 2011). Caesar’s rise epitomizes how Black men could attain leadership in pirate fleets.


Francis Fernando, described as “a tawny Moor” (possibly mixed-race), captained his own sloop under Jamaican privateer commission (c.1715–16), highlighting how colonial legal loopholes allowed non-whites to command (Marley, Pirates of the Americas, 2010).


Indigenous sailors also appeared in crews based in Tortuga and Hispaniola, often as pilots or intermediaries with maroon communities (Linebaugh & Rediker, The Many-Headed Hydra, 2000).


Post-independence (early 19th c.), the decline of piracy and rise of nation-states saw Black and mixed ex-pirates reabsorbed into maroon societies or re-enslaved under restored hierarchies. The pirates’ brief egalitarianism vanished as colonial orders reimposed race-based oppression (Cordingly, Under the Black Flag, 1995).


Thus, pirate enclaves in Tortuga and the northwest carved out rare spaces where Black, mixed-race, and Indigenous men achieved relative equality before the reassertion of Atlantic racial regimes.



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